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The Lands of Cazembe.

LACERDA’S JOURNEY TO CAZEMBE

In 1798.

TRANSLATED AND ANNOTATED

By captain E. F. BUETON, F.E.G.S.

ALSO

JOURNEY OF THE POMBEIROS

P. J. BAPTISTA AND AMARO JOSE, ACROSS AFRICA FROM ANGOLA
TO TETTE ON THE ZAMBEZE.

TRANSLATED BY B. A. BEADLE;

AND A

RESUME OF THE JOURNEY OF MM. MONTEIRO AND GAMITTO.

Bt dr. c. t. beke.

[^Published by the Royal Geographical Society.

LONDON:

JOHN MUEEAY, ALBEMAELE STEEET.
1873.

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U)NDON :

PBTyXJTO BT WILUAU Ct/)WRS AKD 80KS, STAMFORD STTIRKT,
AND CIlARmo CKOeA.

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PREFACE.

The interest excited by the recent letters of Dr.' Livingstone
concerning the country of the Cazembe and neighbouring
regions of Central Africa, has induced the Council of the
Koyal Geographical Society to publish, for the information of
its Fellows and the public, the present volume of translations
of narratives of Portuguese journeys into those little-known
parts of the African interior.

The first in order, and the most important, of these narra-
tives, is that of Dr. de Lacerda, who led an expedition to
Cazembe near the close of the last century. For the trans-
lation of this (copiously annotated), the Council are indebted
to Captain It. F. Burton, who is so well qualified, by his great
experience in Afiican travel and his philological acquirements,
for such an undertaking. The second narrative, the route-
journal of the Pombeiros P. J. Baptista and Amaro Jose,
who traversed Africa from Angola to Tette, and crossed,
therefore, the recent line of march of Dr. Livingstone be-
tween Cazembe and Lake Bangweolo, has been translated by
Mr. B. A. Beadle, Chancellor to the Portuguese Consulate in
London, Captain Burton revising and editing this portion of
the volume. Of the third narrative, that of Messrs. Monteiro
and Gamitto, whose journey to Cazembe was undertaken in
1831, it has been thought sufficient to reprint a resume that
had previously appeared from the able pen of Dr. Charles
Beke.

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CONTENTS.

PACK

Introduction of Dr. de Lacerda to the Public by the Translator ,, 1

Preliminary Obscirations, &c., by Dr. Francisco Josd Maria de Lacorda 14
Information touching the iroposed “Cazembe Ex|Tcdition,” and In-
structions issued to hia Party, by Dr. Francisco Jose Maria de Lacerda 33

CHAPTEE I.

The Departure.

Preparations for the Journey — The Journey commenced — Desertion
of Porters- — The Lands of the Marave — Stay at Tete — The Maxinga
Estate — Hostility of the Maraves — Village of Jana — Arrival at the
Lupata da Jaua .. .. Page 55-67

CHAPTEE II.

The March from the Lupata da Jaua to the Nobtherx Abuakq6a

Riter.

Halt on the Caniziasira — Arrival at Java — Mines of Java — Rivalry
of the Muizas Gbinimbu and Mtissidansaro — Sezao, or Sea-
soning Fever — Halt on the Chigumnnquire — Attacked by the Ma-
raves — Tho Muizas Cannibals — Scarcity of Salt — Mutumbuca
Tribe — Reach Caperemera’s Village — Resitect manifested by the
Kinglets — Mode of Killing Elephants — Red Hair-yowder ^ — -Antipathy
of the People to the sound of Musical Instruments — Departure from
Caperemera’s Village — Desertion of Bearers — Village of Mazavamba
— Halt near the Remimba River — Dearth of Provisions at Village of
Capangura — Reach the Northern Aruangoa River .. Page 68-86

CHAPTEE III.

The March from the Northern AruanqiJa River, till the Death
OF Dr. de Lacerda.

Halt near the Village of Caperamjande — “ Raising Pombe ” — Visit from
Mambo Mucungure — Corporal Punishment a cure for Caffre desertion —

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CONTENTS.

Muiza Iron-gmeltinp; Furnaces — Unreliableness of Caffre Information —
Village of Moningabatnbara — Wretchedness of the Villages and Hats

— Ke.ach the River Zambeze — Village of Fumo Chipaco — Amenities of

the Chief — Caffre Greeting Cerenionjea — Village of Fiimo Mouro-Atcliin-
to — Ita Position fixed — Sura Wine — Mode of preparing Manioc-meal —
News of the Cazembe — Offerin;;s to the Manes of his Ancestors in celebra-
tion of Arrival in hia Country — End of Dr. de Lacerda’s Journal — Re-
marks by the Translator — Diary of the Journey .. Pa;;e 87-106

CHAPTER IV.

Diary of the Exi-editiox bext by Her Most Faithfcl Majesty to kx-
PI.ORK THE African Interior, akd to the Court of the Cazembe,
PI8TAXT 270 I/EAOCES FROM TeTR, KEPT BY TUB C 1 IAPI.AIK AKD CoM-
MAKDEP., Fb. Francisco Joao Pixto, lij costispatiox of the Diary op
D u. Frae'cisco Jose db Lacerda e Almeida, to re presexteu to the
Most Ii.lustrioi:h axd Exceu.ext Sexhor Puaxcisco Guides de Car-
VAi.iio E Menezes da Costa, Governor aep Caftaix-Gekerae or
Mozambiqpe and the Coast of East Africa.

Sectiom I. From date of Arrival at the City till December 31, 1798. At the
Court of Cazembe — “kliraniho” or Present — Hia Impationce at its
Delay — Difficulties from an A ffaire (k Vmur — Ceremonies of theOfficial
Reception — Disputes as to Seniority in the Expedition — Summons of the
Cazembe for the Expedition to attend the triumi'hal entry of a Cahocecr

— Quarrel in the Camp and troubles arising out ol' it — Judgment pro-

nounced by the Cazeml)e — Visit to the Palace — Cazembe's Curiosity as
to our Camp bedstead — Refusal to “ "ive i^ass” to the Ex|n'ilitioii —
Illness of the Cazembe. Sectios II. Continuation of the Dianj from the
b-ginning of the year 1799 to Fthritary 17, 1799. Dangerous stale of
the Cazembe — Propitiatory Human Siicrifices for his Recovery — Public
Reception to celebrate his ('onvnlescence — Audience conceded to Fr.
Pinto — Revocation of Leave of Departure — An-ogance of the Fumo
Anceva .. ., Page 107-123

CHAPTER V.

CosTryuATioN or the Chaplaie’s Diary from Febbdaby 17, 1799,

TO THE 'j’lME OF PbEPABIKC. FOB THE ReTUI!X MaBCH.

Demand of further Presents to the Cazembe — Prince Muenehuto — 'ITie
Murundas — Their Ceremonies, Customs, &c. — Country of the Murundas
— Difficulties with Subordinates of the Kxitedition — Their Conspiracy —
Further Interview with the Cazembe — Opposition of the Fumo Anceva
' — Insulting Behaviour of the Sulwdiiiatcs — Departure for Mdro — Fight
in the Camp — Complaints and Threats from the Cazembe — Tete-a-tete
with him — Mutiny among the Exi'edition at the Delay — The Fumo
Anceva — The Cazembe’s demand for Gunpowder — Intrigues of Josd
Rodrigues Caleja .. Page 124-146

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CONTENTS.

VII

CHAPTER VI.

The Return March, the Attack, and the Flight.

Taking leave of the Cazembe — Start for Chungn — Arrival at the place of
the Mnencmpanda — His Congratulations on our reaching his Estate —
Pass through ChiUamono and Chiliapaco villages — Drunkenness of the
Muiz-ts — Reach the Northern Zambeze River — Attacked by the Muizas
— Their Repulse — Further Alarms e» roitfe — Pinched with Hunger —
The Ex|>editioii reachca Tette — Letter of the Chief Sergeant Pedro Xavier
Yelasco to the Home Government .. .. .. Page 147-164

JOURNEY OF THE “ POMBEIROS,” FROM ANGOLA TO THE
RIOS DE SENNA.

PACE

A. Despatch from the Captain-General of Angola, Jos^ d’Oliveira Barbosa 167
Despatch of the Governor of Tette to the Count das Galveas .. 167

Documents encloaeii : —

1. Copy of Route Journal of Pedro Joao Baptists from Muro-

pue to Cazembe

169

Ditto Ditto Ditto from Cazembe to Tette ..

2. Questions put to Pedro JoSo Baptista ..

198

3. Copy of Letter from Lieutenant-Colonel Francisco Hono-

rato da Costa . .

2QQ

B. Despatch from Captain-General Josd d’Oliveira Bartxjsa .. .. 202

Documents encloswl

1. Copy of Letter of F. H. da Costa (translated in Part A.) 203

2, Co])v of Route Journal of P. J. Baptista from the Lands

of the Muatahianvo to those of the King Cazembe ..

203

3. Ditto from the Cazembe to Tette

219

4. Notes of the Days of Journey of P. J. Baptista

219

.6. Account or Report of P. J. Baptista relative to his Journey

221

C. Notice of what passed in the town of Tette between P. J. Baptista,

the Governor, and other Inhabitants. Written by himself ..

233

D. Declaration of Francisco Honorato da Casta in favour of his Pom-

beiros, who effected the Journey

241

Legislative Documents referring to the Explorations ..

242

RESUME: OF THE JOURNEY OF MM. MONTEIRO AND GAMITTO.

By Dr. C. T. Beke .. .. .. 24.5

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INTRODUCTION OF DR. DE LACERDA TO
THE PUBLIC.

BY THE TEANSLATOE.

OuB earliest authorities upon the subject of Africa, the classical
and sub-classical authors, were followed by the Portuguese,
who betimes, in the sixteenth century, established factories on
both coasts, eastern and western: their traders crossed the
interior from shore to shore, whilst their missionaries founded
large and prosperous colonies, such as Zumbo in the east and
8ao Sdvador in the west, with cathedrals, churches, chapels, and
stone houses. The explorers did not neglect either the Lake
Regions of Central Intertropical Africa, or even the basin of
the Zambeze River.

Foremost in the heroic band — whom of late years it has been
the fashion to ignore — stands that “martyr in the cause of
science,” Dr. Francisco Jos6 Maria de Lacerda e Almeida. His
family was Paulista, that is to say, from the city of Sao Paulo
in the Brazil, a place whose name, however little known at
present, will be famous for all time, a town of some 5000 or
6000 dauntless souls who explored and conquered the vast area
bounded by the Amazon and by La Plata, and stretching from
the Atlantic to the Andes.

It is doubtful whether Para or Bahia was the birthplace of Dr.
■de Lacerda; he graduated, however, as an M.D. (doctor of mathe-
matics) at Coimbra, and presently he was appointed astronomer
to H. M F. Majesty. He left Lisbon (January 8, 1780) in the
Corofrto de Jesus, with the object of surveying and laying down
the Western limits of the great Luso-American dependency.
Whilst travelling from Barcellos to the capital of Mato-grosso,

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INTRODUCTION.

he was attacked (September 23, 1781) by Indians, who wounded
him with an arrow : the carrapatos, or poisonous ticks, also
afflicted him with an unpleasant complaint, the well-known
“Samas.” During 1784 he laboured in the interior with the
great Luso-Hispanian “ Commission of Limits in 1786 he left
Cuyabd (Mato- gross©), and, ascending the Ti6td Eiver, reached
Porto Feliz, in the then captaincy, now the province, of Sao-
Paulo. He passed a portion of 1788 near the lakes or swamps
of “ Xaraos ” (Xarayes) : here he was hunted by, and sometimes-
he hunted, the once formidable “Canoe Indians,” or “Pay-
agnas,” who call themselves Eijiguaijigi, and who, according to-
some, gave name to the Paraguay river. He also visited the
Cayapds, a tribe not yet extinct, and other various clans of the
great Guaycuru or Aycuni race, whom the Spaniards term Cabal-
leros, or “Mounted Indians.” Finally, he travelled amongst
the Moxos or Mojos, Indians of Bolivia, concerning whom
we have details in Triibner’s ‘Bibliotheca Glottica’ (London,.
1858).

In 1790, Dr. de Lacerda returned to Lisbon, and published
the results of his long and weary wanderings. His book, the
‘ Diario da Viagem do Dr. Francisco Jose de Lacerda e Almeida,
pelas Capitanias do Para, Eio Negro, Matto-grosso, Cuyaba,
e 8. Paulo, nos annos de 1780 a 1790,’ was lately republished
at SSo Paulo — “Imprenso por ordem da Assembleia Legis--
lativa da Provincia, &c. : na Typografia de Costa Silveira, Eua
do S. Gonfalo. No. 14. 1841.” Yet it is not easy to procure-
a copy, and I should have failed but for the kindness of my
excellent friend, then Deputy from Taubate, and subsequently
President of the province of Alagoas, Dr. Moreira de Barros, of
S. Paulo. The work contains a valuable itinerary from Cuyaba,
and tales of jaguars, pumas and serpents, which, however mar-
vellous, may be taken on trust. One snake was so huge that the
slaves, fancying it to be an old canoe, began to bum it. Although
mere diaries, the records are remarkable for correctness : lati-
tudes, longitudes, and altitudes are duly chronicled, the breadth
of rivers is trigonometrically measured, and, in fact, all the
labours required from the latest travellers are regularly gone
through.

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IN*TRODUCTION.

Returned to Lisbon, wo find Dr. do Lacerda complaining
that his slaves at Sao Paulo had plundered his property ami
had destroyed his valuable papers ; hence the imperfections of
the map which he presented to the Royal Academy of Sciences.
I cannot discover the year in which he was transferred to
Africa. We know that in 1797 he accompanied an expedition
to explore the course of the Cunene River, which discharges
itself westward into the Atlantic. There he failed : the recovery
of his diaries, however, would interest geographers, as that
intricate and confused section of African hydrography is still to
be explored. A man of eminently advanced views, he returned
with the mighty vision of a second and southern overland
transit (viagem k contracosta) through Southern Africa, a
whole generation before Lieut. Waghorn arose; whilst his
proposal to erect a chain of presidios, or fortified posts, along
the Coanza River, in order to explore the copper-mines of
Angola, and to communicate with the Mozambique, was made
before Dr. Efrapf and the “ Apostles’ Street ” were bom.* The
attempt was new though the idea was not. Fray Manoel
Godinho, who travelled in 1663, describes an overland route
from India to Portugal, and the literary Jesuit De Jarric
declares that there was nothing to prevent our going from
Monomotapa to Angola by land. These authors, however, bore
the same relation to Dr. de Lacerda as the “ Mombas Mission”
to the first East African Expedition.

After this exploration, and certainly before 1798, Dr. de
Lacerda addressed to the enlightened Minister of State, D.
Rodrigo de Sousa Coutinho, certain memoranda touching an
expedition from Angola to Mozambique. On March 12, 1797,
he was appointed by Her Most Faithful Majesty t to conduct

* The Missionaries of Chriahona, near Basle, proposed twelve mission-stations
along the banks of the Nile, from Alexandria to Gondar ; whence other branch
houses were to be established towards the South, East, and West of Africa, “ as
it shall please Providence to show the way, and to point out the requisite means.”
Each station, which is to be 6fty leagues distant from the other, will be called by
the name of an ajiostle — for instance, the station at Alexandria will be named
that of St. Matthew ; the station at Cairo, of St. Mark ; at Assuan, of St. Luke ; and
so on. — Dt. Krapfs Tratdi, Betearches, aitd Mimonary Laboura (pp. 133, 213),
London : Triibner and Co., Paternoster Row, 1860.

t Donna Maria I., the daughter of D. Jose' (Emanuel), born 1734, married in
1760 to her uncle D. Pedro (who died in 1786), reigned from 1777 to 1816, the year

B 2

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INTRODUCTION.

the exploration, and Portugal has ever been generous to her
roving sons. Under D. Fernando Antonio Soares de Noronha,
fifty-fifth Governor of Angola, he was made Governor of
the Eios de Sena, in the Captaincy of the Mozambique. On
March 28, 1798, he addressed to the Minister another highly
interesting letter upon the subject of his intended march to the
capital of the African king knovm as the Cazembe, with deposi-
tions of certain backwoodsmen (sertanejos) who had volunteered
to accompany him; with oral information received from the
natives, and with copies of his orders to the expedition of which
he was in command. On July 3, 1798, he began his journey.
After opening up at least 270 leagues of new land he reached
his destination, and he fell a victim to his own exertions on
October 18, 1798. But he had marched to S. lat. 8° 15', and
the Portuguese were no longer in ignorance of everything north
of S. lat. 16° 20".

The diary speaks for itself; it is a drama with the cata-
strophe of a tragedy. Well worth perusal, it is what every
African explorer should be taught to expect, and should learn
to thank his stars if he live to tell the tale. To one who has
undergone the ordeal it vividly suggests past horrors. Jero-
nymo Pereira, the then Governor of Mozambique, will not hear
the expedition spoken of in his presence, as too often happens
in this our day. The villainous Colonel of Mani 5 a Militia
sells to the explorer bad cloth at the very highest prices. The
whites appointed to command the blacks are thoroughly . dis-
heartened and demoralised. They think only of “creature
comforts ” and vile lucre, they refuse to lend any assistance,
and they privily tamper with the negroes, so as to ensure
desertion, which may shorten their trials. The slaves levied for
the Royal service fly from it in numbers, and the commander,
undefended by soldiers, is compelled to trust himself to wild
“ Cafires,” who throw down their loads, and without a word of
notice disappear in the bush. There are infinite intrigues and

of her d«vth. In consequence of her insanity, the Prince of the Brazil, subse-
quently D. JoSo VII., was made Regent on February 10, 1792, after which his
mother took no part in public affairs. It was therefore virtually under this prince
that the expedition was made.

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INTRODUCTION.

quarrels between the whites, plots and battles between the
blacks, and utter disunion between whites and blacks. The
wild Maraves and Muizas plunder and threaten, and are ever
upon the point of closing the road. Then come the usual fever-
fraught anxieties, the sleepless nights spent in looking forward
to hopeless days, the desperate determinations, the stubborn
endurance, and the irritation, soothed only by the hope of
being able to assert oneself at some future day. Presently, as
the party leaves the coast and the coast-people, matters appear
to mend; the subjects of the African despot are a distinct
improvement upon the lawless republican neighbours of civiliza-
tion, and one chief after another proves himself something very
like a friend. But it is all too late; the excitement of the
march is over, the traveller reaches his goal, he falls into the
apathy of success, he sinks under the strong reaction, and — dies.
Unfortunate even in death, he is exhumed when his companions
are returning to their homes, the party is attacked in the
bush, and the mortal remains of the unfortunate explorer are
scattered upon the inhospitable African ground.

After Dr. de Lacerda’s death, all, of course, went wrong.
He had left orders for the chaplain, Fr. Francisco JoSo Pinto,
to command the rabble rout, and the ecclesiastic seems to have
been wholly unequal to the task. He struggled, however, man-
fully about sending men forward to Angola, and thus carrying
out one object of the expedition ; but here he was contending
against a force majeure — African custom. His party rebelled
spiritually and temporally, it refused to attend Mass or to be
placed under arrest ; finally, sundry members deserted, and on
their home-march so conducted themselves, that the unfortunate
padre narrowly escaped with his life. The ill-fated expedition
left the city of the Cazembe, which it did not even name, on
July 22, 1799, and reached Tette after four months (Novem-
ber 22). Altogether it had spent sixteen and a half months on
this enterprise, and the second in command soon followed the
first to a place whence explorers, as a rule, return not.

Dr. de Lacerda was not only a scientific traveller, but also a
sympathetic, zealous, and hard-working man. In his worst
times of sickness he remembers his compass, he makes obser-

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INTRODUCTION.

vations of longitude by Jupiter’s satellites, and he remarks the
quality of ground, and its power of production. There is a
simplicity about his writing now unusual and, his Diary not
having been corrected nor prepared for the press, its style,
which scholars pronounce to be unclassical, lets us into the
author’s heart He “ loves men,” as the Arabs say of the bene-
volent and he ever thinks of his party in the hour of hunger
and hardship. Though bom when rational beings rarely doubted
the propriety of enslaving negroes, he is a kind of philanthrope,
and he avoids using harsh measures unless absolutely necessary.
Even when furious with his treacherous companions and his
false, cowardly friends, he speaks of the “ lively grief caused
by the death of my beloved wife, whom God was pleased to take
to himself, in the flower of her age, on the first of April.” Ho
is strong in hope, and is somewhat Utopian in his ideas of what
an African expedition and its leader ought to be ; were his stM
qua non made requisite, no party would set out for want of the
qualifications required. He has the habit of pious exclamations :
he begins his diary with “ Dirige Domine Deus meus,” &c., and
he thoroughly believes in the thraldom of Sathanas. He does
not, perhaps, quite come up to the serious and reverend spirit
which the ‘Quarterly’ finds in the ‘ Eomance of the Nile,’ alias
the ‘ Crescent and the Cross.’ The fact is that his religiousness,
which crops out at times, is somewhat weather-wom by exten-
sive travel, and by the turn of mind philosophic and Fliuian — he
quotes “ Timor fecit deos ” — belonging to the days of the Great
Eevolution. He is characteristically loyal, like every Portu-
guese gentleman, especially in those pre-constitutional days,
when the king was to a great extent lord and ruler; and he
thinks of his beloved Queen, not of “ Her Majesty’s Govern-
ment ” nor, by way of climax, of “ the Public.” He moralises
much, and he is somewhat profuse in reflections, far more sound
than novel ; whilst perhaps the first personal pronoun is made to
occur a little too frequently. He is gi-andiloquent as a Castilian ;
he indites awfully long-winded sentences, and he drags in, like an
Anglo-Indian, breakjaw native words. Finally, he has not
forgotten his Hippocrates ; and he is not ashamed to quote his
Horace.

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INTRODUCTION.

The party which accompanied him must he briefly shetched.
The African portion consisted of one “ Chinimba ” of the Muiza
tribe, an envoy and servant (bandasio) of the King Cazembe,
and of “Catara,” a grandee of the same potentate’s Court.
These two high oflScers were accompanied by their spies, and
this is a system of haute police in which, as I have elsewhere
shown (‘Mission to Dahome’) Africa excels.* One tnouehard
died, the other, a confidential slave of the Cazembe, and sixteen-
eighteen years old, accompanied the party the whole way, in
order to look after his master’s rights. Finally, there were 400
Caflfre porters, a floating item in the caravan, as they seem to
have deserted whenever and wherever they pleased.

The whites were much too numerous for marching without
trouble or disunion. First, we have the inevitable chaplain, the
lieverend Father Francisco Joao Pinto, brother of the
•Commandant of Tette, who afterwards succeeded to the com-
mand : he presently will speak for himself. There are two
•envoys sent to the Cazembe, No. 1 being Lieutenant-Colonel
PedroNolasco Vieira de Araujo, chosen by Dr.de Lacerda to visit
Angola, and to report success at home in Portugal. This gen-
tleman with a name and a half is highly spoken of by both
commandants ; he behaved remarkably well during the danger-
ous retreat ; he saved the poor Padre by his generosity, and he
may be called the good angel of the party. No. 2 is the Lieu-
tenant of Sena, Jos^ Vicente Pereira Salema, chosen by the
priest, and also named as envoy to Angola, where he too did
not go. He seems to have been a respectable man.

Besides what we may call the diplomats, there were three
guides. The first was a Goanese, Gonfalo Caetano Pereira,
popularly known as Dumbo-dumbo, or “ the Terror ”:t his title

•* So, in Abyasinift, governors of important towns aro narrowly watched and
reported on by paid spies.

t- In 'Dr. Livingstono’s Second Expedition’ (chap. x. p. 205) wo are told that
Percim, who gloried in being called ‘‘ the Terror,” was the founder of Zumbo, tha
latter being described asa Jesuit station; moreover that it was the departure point
of two expeditions, that of Dr. do Lacerda and that of Monteiro and Gamitto.
Zumbo, which has been conjecturally identified with the Ptolemeian Agysimba,
was built by the Jesuits during the last century, and upon an island. According
to Monteiro and Gamitto (p. 140) it had its church and church-bells, stone houses,
and other commodities ; it was the only inland town which can properly be so
■called' south of Harar in Moslem Abyssinia, and here was discovered the

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INTRODUCTION.

was Capitao Mor da Michonga, Chief Captain of the Bush.
Like all men much acquainted with African travel, he was
versed in every native “ dodge,” ho was rendered independent
by a troop of slaves as cunning as himself, and being an
“old soldier,” he preferred running to fighting. His name
seldom occurs until after Hr. Lacerda’s death, when the priest
frequently mentions him ; he ends by deserting his leader
on the lino of march, and by behaving much like a cur. No. 2
was Manoel Caetano Pereira, an African creole, and son of the
former ; he conducted himself badly, as regards the Chaplain-
Commander, whom he also left in the bush. He had, how-
ever, the shadow of an excuse, the taste of a Muiza arrow.
To these we must add the third guide, Jos4 Eodrigues Caleja,
originally Chief Sergeant of Ordnance, and afterwards made
Keceiver of the Eoyal Treasury. Although highly recom-
mended, he proved himself the hardest bargain of the little
company. His name occurs with provoking constancy, his
intrigues cut short the transit to Angola, and at last, after
deserting the Padre, he does his best to compass his death. He
is the bad angel, or devil, of the expedition, and every expedition
of the kind has at least one.

The military commandants and the officers of the party were
as follows : —

The Chief Sergeant,* Pedro Xavier Velasco, began well, but
ended with “ playing tricks on the clergy ” ; and, by putting
himself unduly forward at Court, he became personally dis-
tasteful to the Cazembe. His slaves, also, seem to have been
a “ bad lot.” Four years after the end of the expedition, in 1805,
as senior survivor, he writes home to some Excellency, request-
ing to be rewarded for his exertions. The Captain Jo2o da
Cunha Pereira, who, in his turn, became Eeceiver of the Royal
Treasury, is described by Hr. Lacerda as a man of bad head
and worse tongue. Presently he refused to be arrested by
the ecclesiastical leader. He seems, however, after showing

celebrated thoriac of Froi Pedro, [mentioned in ‘Dr. Livingstone’s First Expe-
dition ’ (chap. xxxi). Agysimba must probably bo sought in the stone ruins of
Zimbabye, Utely discoverod by Herr Carl Mauch. Sm the Diary, September
7 , 1798 .

* In the seventeenth century the Sargento Mur ranked before the Majors.

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INTRODUCTION.

himself peculiarly seditious to have “ turned over a new leaf,” and
to have ended tolerably well. Little is said of the commander
of the troops, the fort-lieutenant, and notary of Tete, — Antonio
Jose da Cruz, except that he preferred singing “ comic,” called'
by the priest “ profane,” songs, instead of hearing mass, and that
he ran the party into danger by making fierce ,love to tho-
Cazembe’s wives. In objecting to be present at the “ Sacrifice,”
he was joined and abetted by the ensign of militia, Vasco
Joaquim Fires, who also placed his immortal soul in dire peril. He
died on the retreat unsacramented — “unhousel’d, disappointed,
unanel’d ” — and he was “ put to bed ” in the bush, a palpable
judgment and a pointing moral. We can hardly wonder at
the poor priest taking such a view of the matter, when daily
we see in the writings of our modem ecclesiastics the same
presumptuous views of “miraculous interpositions,” and the-
same spiritual pride which is perfectly conversant with the
hidden designs of Omnipotence and Omniscience. The Lieu-
tenant Manoel dos Santos e Silva was at first Receiver of tho
Royal Treasury, which office he lost in consequence of em-
bezzling cloth and “ cooking ” accounts. He was the man who
“ wished to die,” and almost every party has one. Finally,,
there was the commissary and fort-adjutant of Sena, Jose
Thomaz Gomes da Silveira e Silva, he was a good man under
Dr. de Lacerda, but the successor describes him to be a ruffian,
as proud of his birth as he was vile and unworthy of it. He
openly wished that the priest had been burned. Knowing most
of the Cafire tongues, and easily learning others, he was a
good linguist, and good linguists are often bad characters —
mostly “ too clever by half.”

The other minor names which occur are “ Gaetano Fabiao,”
the chief of squadron ; the pilot “ Bernardino,” brought in case
of boating being required; an unimportant soldier, “Antonin
Francisco Delgado”; the corporal “Paulo da Silva,” and the
soldier “Gaetano da Gosta” — ^the two latter were left behind,,
in the vain hope that they might carry out the Ariews of the
Government, and reach Angola. Including all those above
mentioned, the escort was composed of fifty men-at-arms,
undrilled, unused to musketry, and badly provided with poor

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INTRODUCTION.

weapons and ammunition. They were, therefore, worse than
useless.

The negroes must have thought these bastard whites a race
baser even than their own. No wonder that such a party broke
the hearts of two leaders. , I seem again to see the seowling
faces, and to hear the loud discordant voices of my letes noirea
of a decade and a half ago — Muigni Kidogo, the slave, and the
Baloch soldier Khudabakhsh — la’anahum Ullah !

The Diary, as we are informed at the end, had been forwarded
to Portugal before November 1805. The despatches were
used by Bowdich when compiling his once popular volume on
the ‘Discoveries of the Portuguese,’ &c. Aecording to the
“ Greographer of N’yassi,” these documents have been since
published entire in a little Portuguese work, entitled ‘ Con-
sidera^oes politicas e commerciaes sobre os Descobrimentos e
Possessoes dos Portuguezes,’ &c. Lisboa, 1830. By Josd
Accursio das Neves. When at Lisbon, in 1865, 1 vainly at-
tempted to buy the book, nor have I since been more fortunate.

Finally (November 5, 1844), the despatches were printed
in the ‘Annaes Maritimos e Coloniaes,’ &c. (Imprensa
Nacional, Lisboa), with observations upon the interior of Ben-
guela, from a document communicated, June 2, 1844, to the
Maritime Association of Lisbon, by its ex-president, the Viscount
do Sa da Bandeira. That veteran statesman and venerable
African geographer has also enriched the despatches with notes
which I have been careful to retain.

If Dr. de Lacerda did not carry out his whole project, his
partial success considerably increased our knowledge of the
African interior. This is amply proved by the quotations from
his writings, which occur in the pages of our best comparative
geographers, and by the high esteem in wliich he is held by
that conscientious student the late Mr. James Macqueen.*
Indeed, the expedition of Monteiro and Gamitto, which in 1831
left Tete and reached the capital of the Cazembe, can hardly
be said to have added much to what was noticed by. the

* ‘ Notes on the Oeography of Central Africa, from the ResearcheB of Living-
stone, Monteiro, Gnu^, and otliere.’ By James Macqueen, Bisq., F.E.G.S.
‘ Journal,’ vol. xxvi., 18^.

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INTRODUCTION.

■energetic and courageous Governor of the Kios de Sena. It is
time that his pages should appear in an English dress, more
especially as they are now buried in a book become rare and be-
coming rarer. No time can be more opportune than the present
for offering a translation to the public. Until l)r. Livingstone
shall have returned from his third expedition, the writings of De
Lacerda must continue to be our principal authority, and only from
them the reader can at present learn where the English traveller
is said to have been detained. Years ago I had translated
the papers for my own instruction, and after reading Dr. Living-
stone’s last volume and hearing of his present journey and the
latest reports, it struck me that the version might profitably be
laid before the public. Since the visit of Dr. de Lacerda three
Portuguese expeditions and one Arab have sighted the Cazembe.
The first were the “Pombeiros,” or native travelling traders
(not “two black slaves”), Pedro JoSo Baptista, and Anastacio
Jos4 sent in 1802 by Honorato da Costa, superintendent of the
Cassange Factory. The second (1831-1832) was that of
MM. Monteiro and Gamitto ; it produced a large volume, which
also I have analysed. Of the third I know nothing except from
M. Valdez, who remarks (chap. vii. vol. ii., ‘Six Years of a
Travelling Life in Western Africa ’) : “I think the last visit
of a white traveller to (the) Cazembe was in 1853, when my
companion and friend Mr. Freitas was one of the gentlemen
forming the expedition.” The Arab journey is described in the
Journal of the Royal Geographical Society (1854, vol. xxiv. p.261)
by Sr. Bernardino Freire and F.. A. de Castro, and curiously
mis-commented upon by Mr. Cooley.

I must own to having taken certain liberties with the earlier
part of my text. The whole would hardly bear translation, on
account of the many repetitions in a work evidently not pre-
pared for publication, the triteness of the ideas, the diffuseness
of the language, and the prodigious lengthiness of the sentences.
In many parts the order of narration has been changed. An
abridgment is therefore offered to the reader, but it is one
of words, not of sense ; the pith and marrow of the original
have never been rejected ; in no case has a difficulty of diction
been shirked or turned, and the diary of actual travel is trans-

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INTRODUCTION.

lated without curtailment I have illustrated the obscure
passages by reference to other and later writers, especially
to the work of MM. Monteiro and Gamitto, ‘ O Muata Cazembe.’*
Finally, the reader must to a certain extent rely upon his
author, and allow due weight to the results of study and
experience. Had Dr. de Lacerda lived to print his book, he
would doubtless have explained the meanings of all the native
words scattered so profusely over the following pages. They
have given me considerable trouble, which has not always been
crowned with success.! After consulting the usual works, such
as the well-known ‘ Ensaios ’ of Captain Lopez de Lima,! I had
recourse to my “ African ” friends, and I desire particularly to
record my gratitude for the readiness with which Dr. John
Kirk, formerly of the Zambeze Expedition, at present of
Zanzibar, replied to my troublesome applications. May fortune
attend his next venture ! there is no man who deserves it
better.

This journey of Dr. de Lacerda shows that the Portuguese
never abandoned the idea of a “ viagem a contracosta,” and we
can hardly characterise their claims to having crossed Africa as
“ hanging on a slender fibre.” Without mentioning the infor-
mation given by Godinho and De Jarric, or the well-known
journey of the Pombeiros, we find that in, 1845-47 the lands
of “Mwatd ya Nvo,” on the highroad across the continent,
were visited by Joaquim Kodriguez Grapa, and shortly after-
wards by the late Ladislaus Magyar, if what he reported was a
fact. In 1854 the servants of A. F. F. da Silva Porto crossed
Africa in company with “ three Moors,” returning from Ben-
guela. In the same year Mr. Messum wrote that he had heard
of a great lake in the interior from a Portuguese major whom

* ‘ O Muata Cazembe,’ &c. ‘ Diario da Expedicio Portugneza, uos annos do
1831 e 1832.’ Lisbon, Imprensa Nacional, 1854.

t Such words, for instance, as “Racaja,” “ Calamanhas ” (Collomanhas),
“ Douros Sortidos,” and " CherveSj” have not been explained by me. I have in
vain turned over every dictionary in the Colley Library of 8. Paulo, Brazil.

t ’Ensaios sobre a Statistica das PossessOes Portuguezos na Africa Occidental e
Oriental,’ por Jos6 Joaquim Lopez de Lima. Lisboa, na Im^nsa Nacional, 1846.
I beard at S. Paulo de I.,oan(^ that several Portuguese officials bad taken this
excellent book in hand with the view of bringing it up to modem wants, but that
all bod died one after the other at the shortest possible interval.

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INTRODUCTION.

he had met at Benguela, and who bad crossed over from
TMozambique. He is probably not the only one of these mute
inglorious transitists. Captain Briant, employed by Mr. Brook-
house of Salem, Massachusetts, saw in 1843 men who had
passed from shore to shore, and ascertained the possibility of
establishing a profitable commercial intercourse ; whilst in 1863
Captain Harrington, employed by the same house, proved that
the only difficulty was a narrow strip of desert subtending the
south-west coast. (‘ African Kepository,’ No. 12, December
1868, Washington.)

And now to enter into the middle of things. The first letter
addressed to D. Kodrigo de Sousa Coutinho contains the pre-
liminary remarks upon the expedition proposed by Dr. de
Lacerda, showing his conviction that a journey intended to
cross Africa should begin at Mozambique and end at Angola.
The original memorandum — undated, but certainly written
before 1798 — is preserved in the library of the Count of
Linhares, and it is offered to the “ Associapao Maritima,”
of Lisbon, by its ex-President, the Count de Sa da Bandeira.

In conclusion, I would warn the reader that the Notes are all
written by me, except where otherwise specified, and that I,
not my author, assume the whole responsibility of having
written them.

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PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS, &c„*

DB. FfiANCISCO JOS^: MARIA DE LACERDA.

The glory of the explorer, most illustrious aud excellent Sir,
surely transcends the fame of the conq^ueror, who is more often
the bane of, instead of being a boon to, numanity. The memory
of a Henry t laying at Silres the foundations of Asiatic disco-
Tery, which justified his noble motto, “ talant de bien faire,”'
is greater and dearer to us than the names of a Philip and an
Alexander, who by intrigues and right of might forged the
chains of slavery for Macedonia and Greece, and who usurped
the proud title “ Victor of Asia.” J These, spurred on by
ambition, plundered fellow-men of their most sacred birthright,
liberty. That most generous soul, not satisfied with the splen-
dours of his own mental lights, cast them, like sunbeams,
athwart the gloom of ignorance, promoted by commerce and
agriculture the material prosperity of barbarous peoples, and in-
troduced to them the knowledge of the True Faith.§ It is evi-
dent whose name best deserves a niche in the Temple of Fame.

These thoughts, long brooding in my mind, were aroused by
hearing the (to me) most ratifying intelligence that your
Excellency, with the view of establishing land-communication
between the Eastern and the Western coasts of Africa, and of
cutting off the long and perilous passage roimd the Cape of

* This letter, without date, is addressed to D. ttodrigo de Sousa Coutinho, tho
Minister of State. The original MS. is in the library of the Conde de Linhores.

D. Henrique the Virgin, of whom our classic poet sang —

" The Lusitanian prince, who, heaven-inspired.

To love of useful glory roused mankind.

And in unbounded commerce mixed tho world."

X The sentiment is amiable, patriotic, nnd good, but is it true? The answer
will depend upon how we read history. To me Alexander is the first person of
the triad which humanity has os yet produced ; tho other two being Julius Cm.^ar
and Napoleon Bonaparte. Moreover, the earliest weapon of progress is invariably
war, and whilst it is wielded progress must exist.

§ In our days we should pass over these words. But the old Portuguese were
earnest in their reliance upon propagandism, and this often unselfish motive mn.s
like a thread of gold through the coarse web of their luxury, cruelty, and covetou.—
ness.

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PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS.

Good Hope, had proposed to explore the vast unknown interior,
and the unvisited regions lying to the East of Benguela. The
experience of years spent in travelling over those countries
prepared me to expect great advantages from the undertaking
suggested by your patriotism. I knew, also, that the enterprise
had been planned by sundry generals and governors, the first of
whom was the illustrious D. Francisco Innocencio da Sousa.
Coutinho,* Governor of Angola, whose prudence and courteons-
ness, whose wisdom and integrity, will never be forgotten by
those he ruled. Honour cannot but result to you from carrying
out a project which has attracted the attention of your illus-
trious and excellent progenitor — a project right worthy of a
minister who is actuated by zeal for his country’s good, for the
glory of his nation, and for the benefit of his sovereign.

These, Sir, are words from the heart, not from the tongue.
These are the motives which induce me to place before a truth-
loving minister the fruits of my long experience, in the humble
hope that they will add a mite towards the success of the
glorious design.

I now proceed to offer a short geographical description of the
African interior, as far as is known to me, with a general notice
of its natives — their customs, their character, their government,
their religion, and their feelings towards the whites, whom they
always regard with suspicion.f I would also record something
of the many valuable productions of the soil, and the notable
advantages which will accrue, from the proposed exploration,
to our commerce and to the Crown. And, lastly, I will offer
the most practicable measures for ensuring the success of the
journey.

The great and fertile country known as Benguela J borders
northwards upon Angola, being separated from it only by the
Aco Eiver,§ near the Presidio or fortified frontier-post, Pedras de
Ponguandongo.il To the south it extends to the country of the

• The forty-ninth Governor of Angola in 17G4, one of the most active and
practical of hia order.

t Instinctively, as wild beasts hate their tame congeners.

X The word is said to mean “ the defence.”

§ Dr. Livingstone (■ Missionary Travels in Southern Africa,’ chap, xxi.) writes
“ Haco,” after a branch of the Kimbonda or Ambonda family.

11 Dr. Livingstone (chap. xii. p. 421) sketches and describes the column-
shaped conglomerate spits of “ Pungo Andongo ” — the modem form of our text.
Captain Lopez do Lima (‘ Ensaios,’ &c.) also writes Pedras de Pungo Andongo.
Usually the site is called the Pedras Negras de Pungo Andongo; and for a long
time it was a kind of Botany Bay for political exiles. Mr. Cooley makes Pungo
a Ndongo to mean the crest or impending heights of Ndongo or the interior of
Angola (‘ Inner Africa Laid Open,’ p. 6). ‘‘ Pongo,” curious to say, is a word
known in South America, e.g., Pongo de Manseriche ; this, however, os Do la Con-
damine tells us, should bo “ Puncu,” a port.

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PRELIMINAEY OBSERVATIONS.

Ovampo8, beyond Cabo Negro.* Westward is the South At-
lantic Ocean, whilst to the east it stretches nearly 500 leagues
(1500 English geoOTaphical miles between 13° 24' and 37°
east long. Greenwich) t to the coast of Mozambique. On both
extremities, it contains much cultivated land, of which I will
speak presently. The population is immense,t the tribes being
under governments of different extent and authority, exercised
by certain chiefs, called “ Sovas,” § and by their feudal vassals
•or dependent “ Sovetas.”

Unusually strong and large-framed — indeed,'approaching the
gigantic — these negroes are much more valued in the Brazil
than those of Angola. || They are ready and dexterous in hand-
ling fire-arms, which we taught them to use ; they have guns
in plenty, and they can put in order and repair any part except
the barrels. They would laugh to scorn our military expedi-
tions, were it not for our field-pieces, of which they stand in
great fear.

False and utterly treacherous, their friendship for the white
man results from his importing articles now indispensable to
them.1T They never lose the chance of robbing and murdering
a visitor ; bu<^ fearing the anger of the ruling powers, they con-
fine these atrocities to the far interior, where the outrage cannot
be punished. Even whilst plotting his destruction, they never
drop the mask before the European, feigning entire subjection
to him, and humbly addressing him as “ Maneputo.”** Cannibals

* Hero Bartholomew Diaz placed his Padrfio, or memorial pillar. It was in Lat
S. 15°40'42", and Long. E. (Greenwich) 11°53' 20", bctweenMoesamedes or Little
Fish Bay, the Bissungo Bitlolo of the natives, to the North (S. Lat. 15° 13'), and
Great Fish Bay to the South (S. Lat. 16° 30' 12"). According to the ‘African Ite-
pository ’ (No. 12, of Deo. 1868, Washington), Little Fish Bay is called by the
natives Gaconda, and Mossamedes was found^ in 1840 by Major Garcia and three
commercial houses of Loanda.

t In those papers the league is the smaller measure of 20 (not 15) to the
degree, three English ger^aphical miles. The larger league still used in the Brazil
is four miles long. Montciro and Qamitto (‘ O Muata Cazembe,’ p. xxi.) count by
the league of 3000 paces — a very short standard. Mr. Cooley makes the Portu-
guese league about =20,000 English feet (more exactly 20,250 feet =0750 yards).

t The population of Africa cannot yet be computed as our popular writers have
done. Every traveller finds some thickly inhabited country, which statisticians
have neglect^ to take into consideration. Thus, to quote no other authority,
the late Mr. Keith Johnston’s magnum opus, the ‘Physical Atlas’ (fol., 1856),
copied in that excellent eompendium, Mrs. ^merville’s ‘Physical Geography,’
makes the 11,376,000 square miles of the “Dark Continent’’ iahabited by only
60,000,000. This is not half the area of British India I
§ Sova, Soba, or S6va, is equivalent to Marquis in Angola: other authors
translate it “ chefe de uma ou mais povoacOes, regulo, chefe mais poderoso.”

II In the Brazil and Cuba, a very offensive expression, M****a de Congo, is, or
rather was, applied to most of the Angola Bozals (new importations).

T Wo can hardly wonder at their treachery if they arc so “ much valued as
slaves.”

Muene (Muigui in Kisawahili), lord, and Puto, i.e. Porto, Oporto, Portugal,

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rKELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS.

all, especially the savage Gangnelas,* they devour those slain
in their ceaseless, causeless wars ; they kill for food the old
and valueless captives, whilst the young are carefully preserved
for sale. Such are their usual inducements to warfare : it
brings them slaves, whose traffic enables them to purchase what
they require.

All this vast country is, I have said, very populous. The
traveller cannot cover a mile without passing some “ Banza ”
or “ Libata.”t The climate ten leagues from the seaboard is
benign and healthful as that of Portugal,! and the soil is so
fertile that, despite the negligence of the cultivator, it produces
a hundred-fold. There is an abundance of the larger and the
lesser millet,§ here called Ma^amballa (Masamballa), and Luco,
also known as Mo^ango (Mosango), resembling the former, but
a little longer in shape. All these afford well-favoured flour.
It also supplies beans of sorts, twenty-four bushels (twelve
gxiindas) being sold for a fathom of blue Indian cotton or dun-

f aree (zuarte),|l besides which there are peas, vetches, and lentils.

IxceUent wheat is grown, but only by the white and mulatto
backwoodsmen (sertanejos),1[ who are settled for trade in the far

Eorope. Primarily Puto means the King of Portngal or his govemors ; according
to the Diary, Jan. 19, 1799, the title is given to the king nearest Angola ; it
appears also to be a name taken by certain African chiefs, e.g., by the son and
heir of the Cazcmbe, as will presently appear (see Diary, Dec. 22, 1798). Finally,
like “ Sahib " in India, it is the title given to white men in An^la, and it corre-
sponds with “ Mfomo," addressed to a native. Monteiro and Uamitto (p. 413)
translate it “ Dono de espingardas," master of guns.

* A largo tribe between the Oango River, a southern branch of the Coanza of
S.' Paulo de Loanda and the Cubango, the westernmost head-stream of the
neat Chobe. Sometimes they are called with the personal affix Mu-“ Gangnelas ; ”
they are said to be good archers and very ferocious.

t Tho “ Banza ” is a large, the Libata or Libatta a small, village ; the “ Oubata,"
is a single hut. The European reader must bear in mind that all the settlements
cover much ground and contain very few inhabitants.

% This must be taken with many a grain, and it should be remembered that a
Brazilian speaks. We may safely, however, assert that the interior is healthy,
oompar^ with the seaboard.

§ Maize is locally known to the Portuguese as “ Milho Burro.” The greater
Millet (milho gro^) is the Jowarri, Durrah, Ta'dm, Mtamd, or Boleua Sorghum.
Monteiro and Gamitto, however, translate Milho Grosso by “ Zea maiz.” The lesser
Milho (milho mindo) is the Bajri or Panieum epieaium (Roib.). I can only sug-
gest that Luco or Moeango means either the Penmmium, or the East Indian Nagli
orNanchni (in Portuguese Kaxenim), the Arabic Dukhun, the Kisawihili Uwimbi
(EUruine eoracano).

II The meaning of “ pano zuarte,” according to Monteiro and Gamitto (Appen-
dix B), is a blue cotton, the best heing that of Jamboceira. In those days it
was worth 2$ 400. The “ panno " or “ pano " generally is the “ Tobe " of Zanzibar,
two fathoms in length, or its equivalent.

Y Sertanejo means a man of the Sertao (said to be an abbreviation of “ desertSo,”
desert), which, in the Portuguese world, usually denotes the far interior, where
there is little population. It must not be confounded with “ Sertanista,*' which
is applied to an explorer of the Sertio.

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PEELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS.

interior. There is no want of water-melons,* melons, gourds,
and pumpkins, of different kinds and sizes, sweet potatoes
(batatas, tne Convolvulus hataia), manioc, and fine large sugar-
canes. We find guavas, oranges, and lemons. The land will
grow all manner of seed, and it would, if cultivated, produce the
finest fruits.

Iron, which abounds in the interior, is an article that interests
ns not a little.t The negroes smelt this metal fsom the stones
everywhere containing it, and, considering the absence of tools
and labour-saving appliances, it is astonishing how well and
how cheaply they make their assegais, chains, and similar
articles. They have also, as 1 have seen, sulphur from the vast
mines of Dombo da Guinzamba, a league and a half from Bahia
Farta, on the seaboard. There is an even greater abundance of
excellent copper, which they convert into ornaments, collars,
wristlets, and anklets. The many kinds of useful woods equal
those of the Captaincy of S. Salvador da Bahia in the Brazil. In
its present state, their export commerce consists principally of
slaves, ivory, and wax, which is sent out in quantities, despite
the destructive style of collection, the hives being thrown into
the fire, in order that the combs may be taken.

These blind barbarians recognise no divinity, nor do they
show any remnant of true rmigion.J Superstitious in the

* When marching through East Africa from Zanzibar to the Lake Tanranyika,

I found water-melona in many places ; but, as a rule, they were hard, colourless,
and wanting flavour.

t In a subsequent page of this Letter (195), Dr. de Lacerda thus reverts to this
subject ; —

“ The iron equals the Swedish and the Biscayan ; a Libambo, or running chain
for twelve slaves, may be bought for two clot^ or a dollar and 200 cents. The
^vemor Continho judiciously built, in 1767, ironworks at the town of Oeiras in
Golungo-Alto : th(w failed because each Governor — our Livy laments the fact in
his ‘ Decades ’ — delights to destroy the labours of his predecessor. As our ships '
oarry iron to Asia, this metal will give valuable results if prepared in the interior,
and brought to the coast by the Cunene River. The same ships homeward bound
can load with bars, which sell everywhere.

“Nor is the excellent copper, of which mines have already been discovered,
less worthy of consideration. The negroes make of it their necklaces, manilhas
(bracelets), and anklets (‘ vergas,’ wires like carpet-rods, twisted round the legs
and worn in many parts of Africa).

“ There is also a great quantity of sulphur. I myself saw a large digging in
Dombe da Guinzamba, flve leagues south of Bengnola, and one and a Imf from
Bahia Farta on the coast

“The timber of the interior is like that of Bahia in the Bmzil, equally good for
building and for other purposes. Can any one despise such sources of wealth,
which will not only stimulate our commerce, but will also render ns independent
of other nations ? "

J The great Kafir race ignores the idea of a deity. In the ‘ Lake Regions of
Central Africa ’ (vol. ii., chap, xix.) I have attempted to account for this tact by
their deficiency in the moral or sentimental development ; and it is a question
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PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS.

extreme, they hardly possess a worship to which we may apply
the name of faith; their veneration, in fact, is confinea to
reverence for certain ancient Sovas or chiefs, distinguished by
valour or justice. Without doubt some are baptized, but they
behave like the other heathen, their ignorance of the mystery
being extreme, and their contempt for all practical religion
-being consummate. They aspire, it is true, to baptism, as the
means of cozening and deceiving unwary whites ; in fact, they
would assert that they are Christians, whilst remaining in
their deplorable pristine state of no-religion, polygamy,* and
barbarism.

Let us now specify the advantages which such an expedition
would bring to commerce, to the Crown, and to the peoples
themselves. It would extend our conquests over lands and
tribes hitherto unknown. It would open a line of communica-
tion between the Eastern and the Western Coasts, which might
thus mutually support each other ; whilst in the case of one
being attacked the other would offer a sure refuge to our
colonists. Ships from Asia would discharge cargo at Mozam-
bique, and goods could be carried overland to Benguela without
the danger and the delay of doubling the Cape of Storms. Thu.s
the Custom-house duty would increase, and the industry of the
whites, as well as of the blacks, would be fostered. For better
transport than the riding oxen (hois cavaUos) now used, camels t

before the ghosts became heroes and gods, who could vindicate for themselves
adoration.

• Yet the author tells us that they are a large-sized race, — polygamy therefore
has not injured them physically. And if polygamous Africa is thmly popu-
lated, polygamons China swarms with the species man, whilst monogamous
Iceland is sparsely populated and monogamous Cyprus is almost a desert.

t Note by the Viscount de Sa da Bandeira : — “ In 1838, the Home Government
imported into Angola camels from the Canary Islands ; but the experiment failed
for want of care. [The same has lately happened to Ceari in the Bmzil.]

“ The river transit of Anmla, like that of Middle Brazil, is very limi ts. Yet
steam communication has long been proposed between Loanda the capital, and
the Falls of Cambambe, the highest point to which the Coanza River is navigable.
From that place a rood for carts or beasts of burden, might he run through
Pungo-Andongo with depots and markets on the way, to the uttermost Por-
tuguese frontier. Thus there would bo an easy exportation of ivory, wax,
copper, and other licit articles, a traffic which would soon abolish the internal
slave trade.

[There is no-# no want of energy in the colony. VVTien I visited S. Paulo de
Loanda in August 1863, surveys fur a railroad between the capital and Calumbo
on the Coanza River had been laid before the Government.]

“ Angola, however, still suffers from an inveterate legal abuse [the ‘ begar ' of
India and Sind], corvee, or forced labour, a system which no longer prevails in
Portuguese settlements, not even in Benguela. Men ‘ in libambo ’ (os the local
phrase is), or with necks in running chains, were compelled, W blows and threats,
to carry cargoes hundreds of leagues, for a few paltry reis. This process has de-
Mpulated the country, whose people have fled to the neighbouring regions, in-
flicting great loss of revenue uwn the Portugese Government. [Compare Dr.
Livingstone, ‘ First Exploration, chap. xx. Also M, Valdez, vol. ii. chap, iv.]

0 2

PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS.

might be introduced, and perhaps the zebra might be tamed.*
Besides which there are thousands of negro-porters (carregadores),
each carrying, for many leagues and for small pay, a pack of
cloth worth $120.

The new possessors of Table Bay (the English) require careful
watching, or our want of energy will enable them to extend
themselyes northwards.t Who will prevent these new colonists-
from selling the slaves of our southern interior, thus palpably
injuring our trade, which has already lost one-third of its value ?
Similany the captives of our northern interior are exported
via Ambriz and the ports lying to the north of Angola.^

“ The Governor-General D. Francisco Innocencio de Souaa Continho hrat pro-
hibited, in 1764, thia abuse, which was, however, re-established by his successor.
In 1791, another Governor tried to stop the cruelties inflicted by white merchants
upon thdr bearers, especially at the Fair of Cassange (Feira de Casanji). Antonio-
de Saldanha da Gama (afterwards Count of Porto S^to and 56th Governor), in>
1807, proposed a total abolition of the system to the Home Government. The
latter, in April 3, 1796, had already directed the Governor of Bcnguela to prevent
the traders forcibly taking men from the Sovas or native chiefs, unless by- regular
agreement, and on payment according to the value of the loads. Finally, a Por-
taria (Royal Order) of January 31, 1839, abolished the custom, and allowed the
blacks to dispose of their labour like white men.

“ Only time, however, can do away with the system. It is useless for the law
rigorously to suppress the abuse, when the local authorities are compelled to wink
at it. Without it, indeed, the natives will not work at all. The trader also finds it
a great economy. He pays, for instance, $4 to $6 per head of n^ 7 « for long
journeys, and perhaps as much to the District Commander, if the latter be not
over-conscientious. It is evident that any other process would be impossible on
account of the expense." [Dr. Livingstone, ‘ First Expedition,' chap, xix., has
discussed the question, but we see how greatly he erred when he asserted, “ This
system of compulsory carriage of merchandise was adopted in consequence of the
increase in numbers and activity of our cruisers, which took place in 1845.”]

• This was written, N.B., long before the days of Mr. Earey.
t Capo Town, founded by the Dutch in 1650, taken by the English in 1795,
restored in 1802, retaken in 1 806, and given over to English possession ever since.
Tlie prophecy in the text has b^n lately fulfiUed, owing to the discovery of the
diamond diggings and gold mines.

X Note by the Viscount de Sa da Bandeira : —

“ The author refers to the fact that, in his day, the greater part of the commerce of
the Portuguese interior profited only the strangers frequenting the ports of Northern
Angola, with respect to this old grievance there is a MS. memorandum of
J . M. Garcia de Castro Barbosa (dated 1772-1779), attributing thia influx of
‘interlopers’ to the carelessness of the Angolan governors. These officers had
abandoned the Portuguese factories in Loango, Cabinda, Sonho, Ambriz, and
others south of Capo I^po Gon^lves (Anglich, Cape Lopez, 1st. S. 0° 36' 10", and
long. E., Greenwich, 8° 40' 0''), -vrhich commanded the coast and the rivers,
especially the great Zaire or Congo River.

“ To keep on these interloping strangers, we built daring the last century tlie
inland fort of S. Jose' de Encoge (Presidio das Pedras de Encoge, on the Onze
River between the Benro River and Ambriz), and on the coast at Novo Redondo-
(lat. 8. 11° 36' 42") at Cabinda, and on the Loje or Ambriz River, which latter,
however, was presently abandoned. That of Cabinda, built in 1783, was
destroyed in 1784 by a French naval force, because it embarrassed French slavers :
hence the Convention of 1786 held between France and Portugal, whereby the
latter was limited to trade in the ports below Cape Padron (Calra do Padrio, lat.

PEELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS,

TXie cause of our trade’s decay is simply this : the African has
no objection to walking 150 miles if he can get for his slaves
more and better cloth than can be afforded by our traders ;
whilst the latter here make smaller profits than their rivals.
The proposed expedition would, doubtless, throw an obstacle in
the way of the English, who, on their part, have offered con-
siderable rewards for discovering and opening up the interior.

Moreover, the heart of the country, thus flanked on both sides
by our possessions, will be more securely subjected to us, and
the natives, knowing that Mozambique and Sena can aid Angola
and Benguela, and vice versa, will abstain from plundering and
from ill-treating our now defenceless Sertanejos. Thus com-
merce will be free, and life and property will be safe. Unex-
pected assistance can also be afforded by establishing a few
•“ Presidios,” which have ever had the effect of repressing bar-
barous insolence.

I would now submit to your Excellency a thought which has
long occupied my mind, and which, if confirmed, will produce
incalculable advantages.

S. 6° 8' 0"), the southern point of the Zaire River mouth. In the treaty of
July 28, 1817, between Great Britain and Portugal, the latter is confirmed in
possession of the coast and the interior, between 8° and 18° of 8. lat., or almost as far
as Cabo Frio (8. lat. 18° 23' 0"). England also recognises the reservation of Portu-
guese rights upon Molembo (Malcmba Bay, a few miles north of Cabinda) and
•Cabinda, or from 5° 12' 0" to 18° 8. lat, which excludes Loango (4:° 33' 30" 8. lat.)
but contains the month of the Zaire or Congo River. This Zaire, indeed, is speci-
fied by the Carta Constitucional ns forming part of the empire.

“ Angola is now in the same condition as when she found it necessary to build
these forts. The Loanda custom-house suffers by ships discharging cargo at a
distance to avoid dues. When the Lojo fort was built, the 8ova of Mussul and other
chiefs came to do homage at Loanda, whereby the revenue was increased. For
this purpose, and to impede slave-exportation, the Home Government directed,
in 1838, the Governor-General to found a presidio in Mossamedes, or Little Fish
Bay (15° 13' lat. 8.). This also was tried and succeeded. Others wore after-
wards ordered to be built at Ambriz, on the Zaire, at Cabinda and at Molembo,
with directions to admit foreign merchandise at moderate rates. The measure
was not carried out, although it would have equally benefited Angola, by
encouraging legal commerce, and the strangers who now suffer from the
caprices of native chiefs.

“ Such forts are necessary for the protection of national and foreign commerce
in all the territories recognised as Portuguese, and extending from Loan^ to
Cabo Frio. They will afio prevent such disputes as have lately happened within
the last twenty years between Portugal and Great Britain about Lourenco
Marques Bay (near Delagoa Bay) and the Bolama Islands (near Sierra Leone);
and with the French a^ut the Sego Factory on the Oasamansa River (near
Gambia). Nor must it be forgotten that the French liave lately taken one of the
■Comoro Islands (Mayotte), and another in the Mozambique Channel (Nosi Be"),
besides founding two new factories on the coast of Minas and on the Gabao
(Galxwn) River, although the latter is leas than 2° north of Cape Lopo, and
traded with our islands of Principe (Prince's) and 8. Thome (St. Thomas)."

N.B. — The mouth of the Gaboon River is in 0° 30' 30" S. lat, and “ Cape
Lopez ” in 0° 36' 10". Diflf. 0° 5' 40" nearly 6 miles.

Digitized by tjuuyl-

PRELIMINART OBSERVATIONS.

The Rio Sena* is celebrated for the volume and the magnifi-
cence of its stream, and for the wealth of its auriferous basin. We
know nothing of its source, except that it rises in Monomotapa,t
find proudly precipitates itself into the Mozambique Chaimel,
where our fort Quilimane J lies.

Now, in this part of Western Africa the most important stream
between the Zaire (Congo R.) and the Cape of Good Hope is the
Cunene, an African word meaning “ great,* or “ grand.” § Rising
in Candimbo, near Caconda Nova,|| it flows to the south (-west ?^,
and after absorbing the Cubangoll and the Cutado** Rivers, it

E asses, 30 leagues from its source, through the lands of the
ovas of Lebando and Luceque. Here it is already so con-
siderable a stream that it cannot be forded, and the Chief of
Luceque derives revenue from his ferry-canoes. Thence bending
eastward, it reaches, after a total course of 50 leagues, the lands
of Humbe Grande or Monomotapa,tt where it is 540 fathoms
(600 toesas) broad. Beyond that point, nothing can be said of

• The river miming part Sena, the Zambeze.

t Dr. Livingstone (First Exp^ chap, ixx.) renders Mnene Mtspe, the “ Cliief
Mtape,” headman of the “ Bambire, a tribe of the Banyai." Of these more here-
after. The older Portuguese applied it to the whole extent of country lying behind
the seaboard of Mozambique. The derivation is Mwene (or M'ana) and M'tapa,
or Mutapa (the name of the head district), and thus the title is “ Lord of M’tapa.”'
The modem name is Chedima, and the king is known as Mombo-a-Chedima.
It has greatly fallen in importance since it was the rival of “ Monoemuge
(Unyamwezi), the Lake Empire to the north. An account of it is given in
Mouteiro and Oamitto (p. S3).

X A town on the northern branch of the Zambeze Delta. The word is Eilima-
ni, “ in ’’ or “ from the hillock,” and the orthography greatly varies, as Quili-
mane, Quelimanc, Quillimanc, &c.

§ The English have injured it by their usual system of nomenclature. They
miscall it the “ Nourse River.” The Portuguese also know it os Bio das Trombas
(River of Rollers or Bor Swell), and lately as Bio dos Elcphantes.

II There are two Cacondas. In 1864 the native Jaga, or chief, attacked the
then new “ Presidio ” of Caconda (now Caconda Velha), built in a.d. 1682, mur-
dered all the Portuguese garrison, and destroyed the fori and the church. The
outrage vras punished in 1685, the Jaga was imprisoned at Loonda, and the
present Caconda Nova, to the south of the older settlement, was built and placed
under a Capitao-Mor.

5 This Cuban^ Biver must not be confounded with the stream passing by the
district of the chief Cabango, Dr. Livingstone's Chihombo. The Culxingo is the
westernmost head stream of the Chobc, a great feeder of the Zambeze. Mr. Cooley
throws bis “ Cobango ” into the Lake Ngomi ; Mr. James Macqueen has placed
it accurately. At the head-points the basins of the Zambeze and the Cunene
Rivers are separated by only a few miles.

*• Can this be the “ Quontanda Bivor,” the N. N. easterly influent of the
Cunene ?

tt “ Humbe Grande and Monomotapa,” says the Viscount de 84 da Ban-
deira, in his notes to Dr. I-acerda’s letter, “being separated by a region 250 to 300
leagues broad, it is not probable that they are the some country as the author
seems to believe.” Humbe is the region lying to the north of and close to the
central course of the Cunene. For a popular account of it, see ‘Six Years of a
Traveller’s Life,’ by M. Valdez, vol. ii. p. 355. The last traveller who visited it,
was M. B. T. Brocnedo.

d bv ■

PRELIMINART OBSERVATIOKS.

the great and famous stream, save that it takes an easterly
course.

Can this be the Bio Sena ?* lam persuaded, by two reasons,
that it is.t Firstly, after exploring part of this river, and con-
sulting all the maps of the coast from the Adamastor stream to
Benguela, I find none whose size entitles it to be considered the
mouth of the mighty Cunene. Secondly, though the Bio
Sena boasts of his auriferous sands, the Cunene is not on this
point inferior. When accompanying the unfortunately abortive
expedition which was sent in 1787 to explore the course of the
Cunene, I myself saw a negress who had been captured in the
lands of Acabona, three leagues from the Cunene, and limitrophe,
with Monomotapa. Her head-dress was composed of golden
laminsB, about the size of ordinary spangles (lantijoilas), pierced
with a few curly hairs, rove through and Imott^ for security.
When asked whence these things came, she replied, “from a
very large river not far off ; that after rain a large quantity
could be found, but that no one prized them.”t

What river can this be but the Cunene ? And as it flows from
Humbe towards the Mozambique coastj where our Sena, as
we know, discharges its waters, the latter is, in my humble
opinion, the same Cunene under a dififerent name. Should this
conjecture prove correct, and should the line be opened by
Government, it will car:y to Benguela cargoes landed by ships
from Asia, and thus Mozambique as well as Benguela will
become an emporium second to none. The inter-coastal and
overland route once practicable, native guides will be forth-
coming, and nothing will be easier than the exploration of the
stream above mentioned. I leave the other advantages to your
Excellency’s consideration : let me now consider the means of
connecting the eastern with the western shores of our colonies ;

* I cannot ondcrstand why Dr. Livingstone will call the river “ ZambeBi.”
The orthography is distinctly “ Zamheze.” Mr. Cooley (‘ Geogr. of N’yassi,’ p. 45),
writes Zambezi, and translatM it the “fish-river." But he derives the word from
the Congoeseand Angola “mbizo” and “mbige” (Bi’i), which mean fish. In
another place he makes Zambesi the river par excellence, and its derivatives,
Chambeai, Liambcai, and Yabenzi, to mean “river of meat,” or “of animal food”
(‘ Nature,’ Nov. 18, 18G9), going far too for for a derivation. Dr. Livingstone
(First Exp., chap, xi.) informs us that “Leeambye” is the “ large river,” or the
river par exedlenee, and that Lnambeji (Luambegi), Luambiiai, Ambezi, Ojim-
bc'si, and “ Zambesi ’ are all dialectic varieties, “ the magnificent stream being
the main drain of the country” — which signifies nothing. The Rev. Horace
Waller, F.R.G.S., malecs “ Zambesi” to mean “ the Washer,” hence its frequent,
recurrence under several forms in rivers liable to high fioods.

t See the end of these observations for the note by the Viscount Sa da
Bandeira.

t “ They (Africans) always try to give an answer to please, and if any one
showed them a nugget of gold they would generally say hat these abounded in
their country.” — (Dr. Livingstone, First Exp., chap, xix.)

J by Googif

PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS.

for which end it will he necessary to describe the terra cognita,
that we may better understand how much of the incognita
awaits discovery.

All the Nano* * * § country between Caconda Nova to the north,
and the Afo (Aso) River, is ruled by the four prin^al Sovas
(neglecting the Sovetas) of Balundo do Ambo (or Hambo) of
Quiaca, of Quitata, and of Gnlangue.t The southern interior
contains, besides the chieftains subject to those four, the
powerful families of Quilengues, of Quipungo, of Gambos
(Sambos ?) and of Avila. The latter is the formidable Canina,
whose sway extends over the broad lands of the Cobaes, the
Mocoauhocas, and the Mococorocas of Cabo Negro, as far as the
Hottentots ; J these, once a subject people, were enabled, by the
carelessness of his great officers (Ambas), to shako off his yoke.
Here are about 80 leagues, more or less, known and subject to
the Portuguese Crown, north of Benguela, and crossing Balundo,
via Quissangue, to the Apo (Aso) River. South of Benguela we
have 100 leagues of safe country, held by our vassals of Quilomata,
Lombimbe, Quilengues, Bemby, Quipungo, and Gambos (Sam-
bos?), to the Humbe country, divided by the great Cuneue River.
Travelling eastward from Benguela, by the road of Sapa-janjala,
Caconda Nova, Monhembas, Galang\ie, and Obie, lands watered
by the useful and well-known Coanza River, we have another
tract of 100 leagues. There must be 80 leagues more from the
Coanza to the Sova of Levar,§ a peaceful line lately opened by

* “ Nanos,” “ Nannoe," or “ Nbanos," is said to mean “ high land,” from the
craggy moimtains between Quilengues and Caconda Velha.

t A popular account of these and the other little-known districts is given in
18G1 by M. Valdez, vol. ii. chap. 9.

1 Possibly the Kasakere or Buslimen east of the Cunene, as laid down in Dr.
Livingstone’s map.

§ Note fty the Viscount de SX da Bandeiba: —

“ Levar is the ‘ Loval’ of M. Alexandre Josd Botelho de Vasconcellos (the fifth
Governor of Benguela, at the end of the last century), who places it south of the
Moliia country; it appears to lie to the south-west of the Cozembe's frontier.
That author and Dr. de Lacerda both agree that the road to it from Benguela
passes through Balundo and Bih^ and crosses the Coanza River. But their dis-
tances greatly differ. From Benguela to the Coanza, Dn de Lacerda makes
180 leagues; M'. Botelho 148, ana 191 to Quinhama, the headquarters of the
Sova of Loval, a total of 339 leases. Summing and dividing the two (viz. 180
+ 148 = 328) we obtain from ^nguela to the Coanza River 1C4 leagues, and
from the Coanza River to Loval 135 leagues (180 -+- 339 = 519), a sum of 259.”
Writing from 8. Felipo do Benguela, on August 1 , 1799, M. Botelho de Vas-
concellos, gives the following account of the kingdom of Loval and its road from
Benguela (p. 159, No. 4, ‘ Annaes Maritimos, 1844) : —

“ A Bahiano (Brazilian), Josd de Assump<^ e Mello, guided by a native of
Loval, travelled there twice with profit, but with some hardships and danger.
On his third march he was accompanied by one Alexandre da Silva Teixoira, of
Sa’jtarem, who afterwards related to me his journey ns follows :

“ They left Benguela with their stores on September 22, 1795, and slept at
Catumbella (four leagues) ; the next stages, all in this Government, were Quis-

^'.ooglf

rRELTMINARY OBSERVATIONS.

our traders, who, being hospitably received, might, if assisted,
have gone farther. Thus, from Benguella, eastward, we have
180 leagues of well-trodden country, and about 50 west of
Mozambique. Of a total of 500, but 270 remain for ex-
ploration.

As regards the personnel of an expedition we require a few
oducatea oificers, for the purpose of using instruments and
field-pieces ; and, at most, 400 well-armed men, who should be
trained not to draw the sword except in the last extremity.
I have learned from experience that presents and offers of our
Sovereign’s friendship manage barbarian insolence far better
than blows and violence ; the latter always make the people
arm themselves against fancied conquest and captivity intended
by white men.

This force should not demand much from the Treasury.
Throughout the explored interior, on both sides, there are
many white and mulatto traders, acclimatized and trained to
travel. These “ Sertandos ” might be induced to join the
expedition by the gift oi purely honorary titles, which, by the
bye, they greatly covet, such as “ Impacafeiros,” “ Atalaias,”
“ Aventureiros,” and “Guerra Preta.”* The leader of 20

sango (20 leagues), Quibulia (‘Quibuile’? 24 leagues), Bailnndo (.35 leagues),
Bihe' (35 leagues), aud the Quauza or Coauza River (30 leagues), a total of 148.
Crossing that stream in the lands of Sova Angurucu, they made 36 leagues to
Sova AnguUo, and then they stmek the bush to avoid certain barbarous chiefs
whose jealousy would have stopped them from trading with others. After six
leagues they crossed the River Cutia (an eastern influent of the C!oanza),
12 fathoms broad ; next at the same dist^ce the Cice River (Mr. Cooley makes
it head the Coango), also 12 fathoms wide ; then to the source of the latter,
17 leagues, to the Munhango River (13 leagues), to the head-waters of the
Luena (28 leagues, Loena, eastern influent of the Leeba River?), and to the
frontier of Loval (35 leagues), governed by the Soveta Ca<iuinga. Hence they
mode (50 leagues) the Great Litota (settlement) of the Sova Quinhamo, which
is nearly on the eastern frontier of Loval, a total of 191 leagues from the Coanza
River and 339 from Bcnguela.

“ Loval is 60 by 10 leagues more or less, and contains many tribes. In front
(cast) it is Imnnded by the Sova-ship of Luy Amboellns, and on the right (south)
By the powerful Ambmllas chiefs of Bunda and Conunga; on the left (north) by
lords, vassals to the great Sova of the Moluas (tho Miluas, or people of MniiU ya
Nvo), aud in rear (west) by the Sovas Qniboque and Bunda. The Rios do Sena
of Mozambique (t.e., the Zambezo River, or its northern affluents) appeared to be
near. Tho traders were hospitably received, business was prosperous, and they
found less robbery than in our territory — the more we advance the less villainous
are the people.”

Thus we see the Portuguese, in 1799, pressing into tho heart of tho country
visited by Ur. Livingstone.

* The “ Impa<;eiro ” now generally written Empacasseiro, means, “ not a sort of
fraternity of freemasons," but a kind of militia, institute in 1580 by Paulo
Uias de Novaes, conqueror and first governor of Angola. Tho literal sense is
■“ hunter of the Empaciissa,” the fierce wild cattle which extend down the west
<‘oast of Africa. Paul du Chaillu brought homo a specimen from tho Gaboon,
■where it is called Nyare. Mr. Cooley (‘Inner Africa Laid Open,’ p. 47) trans-

Digiiized by Google

PREUMINART OBSERVATIONS.

armed men might receive a captain’s commission ; of 30, that
of sargento-m6r, and so forth, whilst a few chosen soldiers,
reliable in case of need, would complete the party. During
our war with the interior, in 1787, I saw 17 men and a field-
piece put to flight the Sova of Quiaca and his 12,000 negroes,
who dropped all the loot which they had just taken from the
Cobaes.*

It would be advisable to prevent the expedition being en-
cumbered by the presence of common negroes, who, slow to
attack and quick to fly, their sole object being plunder, dis-
appear like lightning after the first shot. They often foment
and begin quarrels with the natives, besides which they are a
heavy burden upon the commissariat. But we might court the-
company of the chiefs bordering on the Sena River, as they
would influence the other headmen. This might be done by
small presents which here, as amongst the Moors,! are indis-
pensable. Perhaps we might thus induce some Sova to join
the expedition, or, at least, to supply provisions, guides, and
interpreters.

The presents to the Sovas and to the covetous Makotas, or
councillors by whom they govern, would consist of ankers of
rum, bales of the cloth preferred by the natives, and especially
false coral and beads of sorts.! Also we should want cloaks
of common broadcloth, trimmed with tinsel gold, large hats
similarly ornamented, and canes (bengallas) § with heads of gilt
copper. Such a cloak, hat, and cane, with two ankers of rum

lutes it “ Gnu,'’ -whicli is locally called Nhumbo. Dr. Livingstone (‘ Second Ex-
pedition,' chap. xi. p. 237) says, tlio Empacasso is the buffalo or gnu ; and
in the same page we find the assertion, “ no secret society can be found among
the native Africans." Every triho tliat I know, from the Wanyika of Mom-
basah to the Camarones River, has its society built upon secret orders, in fact
a rude Freemasonry. The “ Atalaia ” is a sentinel ; the “ Aventureiro’' a volun-
teer, and Guerra Preta (literally “black war”) is a negro militia.

• This explains -n-hat we read in the old histories of Congo and Angola, where
thousands of negroes are defeated by dozens of Portuguese. The Bedawin of
Arabia were the same feeble fighters in the days of the Romans, and even
when Barthema wrote. After having armed themselves with matchlocks and
muskets they became “ tough customers."

t In the original Os Mouros (of Morocco or of the East Indies ?).

j In the text “ Roncalha, Velorio, and other Missanga.” Roncallia is explained
by Montciro and Gamitto (p. 23) to signify “ pedrns brancas,” j. e., white stoneware
brods. Wo also read (p. 189) of Roncalha Azul (blue Roncalha), and of “ pedras
leitc," or milk stones. Velorio or Avelorio, is also a large opaque porcelain bead.
Missangii, according to Vieyra is synonymous with “ arrangOcs,” glass beads.
Constancio explains it by a string of glass beads, the same os “Mites,” which
Vieyra interprets a sort of porcelain bead, used os currency in Mozambique.
The word is mostly applied to the red glass or porcelains, and in the text to
beads in general.

§ According to Dr. Kirk, now of Zanzibar, “ bengallas de abada ” are canes of
rhinoceros horn. The Abada is called by the people Pembere, and by the Por-
tuguese unicorn.

Digitized by Guugle

PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS.

and a few strings of beads, would be a sufficient “ dash ” to the
most powerful ^va.*

Cattle, which abound in the interior, might be bought by
way of rations. When these fail, powder and oall would supply
the camp with meat of elephants, rhinoceros, wild cattle (empa-
cassas), zebras (impalancas ?), quaggas, wild goats (gamos), and
various antelopes (veados), all of them good eating.t I well
remember that our army, campaigm'ng between 1774 and 1779
against the Spaniards on the Eiver S. Pedro, t lived entirely on
meat and enjoyed excellent health.

The choice of season is a vital condition of success. The
best time to set out would be in May, during the cloudy but
dry weather, locally called Capimbo, and corresponding with
our winter. If the journey is not concluded, as it ought to be,
with September, when the wet season berins, the expedition
should turn into some winter quarters where provisions are
plentiful. The rains come on very suddenly, and a body of
men compelled by unexpected downfalls suddenly to halt, and
to go into winter quarters, would be exposed to great discom-
forts and lose many of its members.

Perhaps the Mozambique and the Rio Sena would be better
starting-points than Angola or Benguela. The region to be
explore is nearer the eastern coast, and the oriental negroes
are more civilised and better fighters. Moreover the explorers
would thus be better able to meet difficulties and to make head
against the enemy than if, weary and broken-down, they had
marched aU the way from the western coast across Africa.

I now pass to the most important consideration — the kind of
person to manage so delicate a mission, which could hardly be
re-attempted should the first trial fail. The commandant must
be a man of patience and probity, fortitude and prudence,
healthy and vigorous in frame, accustomed to the country, and
acquainted with the manners and customs of the people, sober
and modest, grave and continent. Barbarians expect from the
white man truth, good faith and honesty in the matter of pay-
ment; they are extremely jealous of their women, and evil
would result, not only from violence, but even from seduction.
The leader should personally set the example of total absti-

• A rousiderable miscalculation, as will presently appear,
t I have always found game in Africa and in America, northern and southern,,
the most heating, and, being destitute of fat, the least nourishing of meat. More-
over such a diet, except to those who have become familiar with it, leads to
diarrhoea and dysentery. Finally, it is over-sanguine to expect so much game,,
and the author does not see that all the time would be wasted in hunting. Tho
densely forested and swampy regions of Intertropical Africa could hardly supply
four, much less 400 men, with regular rations of meat procured by the chase.

I Alias Rio Grande do Sul, in the Brazil.

PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS.

nence in this matter, and enforce it upon his followers, under
the promptest and severest penalties. He must be invested
with the power of punishing offences,* and, if prudent and cir-
cumspect, he wouIq temper justice with kindness and humanity.
He should not be placed under governors or generals ; these,
on the contrary, should be peremptorily ordered to lend him
their aid. Hitherto the authorities have ever succeeded in
thwarting all such undertakings which were not directed by
their own orders.t

Finally the leader, ambitious only of glory, should be ani-
mated by true patriotism, an essential to success. Unhappily,
the best prepared African expeditions have mostly failed from
the vile interestedness of the commandants and from their bad
example. Thus the name of the sovereign becomes odious,
the sacred rights of truth and justice are violated, and to fill up
the measure of disgrace, merited punishment is avoided by
running subterfuge.

First impressions generally decide the part which we take,
and men are mostly governed by what strikes their external
senses. The barbarians, appreciating the good conduct of the
leader and his party, will easily infer the pacific and benevolent
intentions of those by whom they are sent. My personal
•experience of the people assures me that, under such circum-
stances, success is certain.

Display not being wanted, the luggage should be as light as
possible : articles of constant want should be so packed as to
ensure mobility, whilst the usual impediments of boxes, tables,
bedsteads, crockery (loifas), and cloth-bales should not be ad-
mitted. If the leader be a true soldier, he will carry no more
kit than can be conveyed by one negro.J Thus he will be
willingly obeyed, and his party, seeing the example of their
superior, will learn to endure hardships without murmuring.

In case of accident to the commander, a second in command,
■chosen with the same regard to fitness, should be duly appointed
to take charge of the expedition.

These, Excellency, are my views upon the subjects of ex-
ploring the vast regions of Inner Angola, and of establishing

* Punishment, again, is impracticable where desertion is so easy and so dis-
astrous to an expedition.

t And not only amongst the Portuguese. I found this to my cost in exploring
the Somali country, wherever the influence of the British authorities of Aden,
Colonel Coghlan and Captain Playfair, unhappily extended.

% This assertion heats even the celebrated order of my old chief Sir Charles
Napier — the soldier and his “ bit of soap.” It is always my practice to carry
with me as much, not as little, ns possible ; at the same time, when the necessary
moment arrives, I am ready to limit luggage to a pair of saddle-bags.

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PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS.

29 -

land-transit between the Eastern and the Western Coasts of
Africa. My familiarity with the country has given birth to
them : zeal for the welfare of my native land, for the glory of
my race, and for the interests of my sovereign, has induced
me to expose them. After weighing my opinions in the
balance of your strong intellect, adding, diminisning, and alter-
ing as may seem fit, you, and you only, can give to us the
hope of seeing this important and glorious undertaking brought
to a successful issue. Such are my hopes: such is my only
ambition. The pleasure of knowing that I have lent my aid
to the furtherance of the project, is my sole intention in thus
addressing you, and with our Horace, in the dedication of his
poems, I can truthfully assert, —

“ Enough of glory, ’tis for me to boast
I loved my native land and nation most.” * .

* A somewhat (of late years at least) hachncycd quotation from Camoens
“ Eu desta gloria so fico contente,

Que a minha terra amci e a minha gente.”

Note by the VisoousT de Sa da Bakdeiba.

“ The following are the objections to this theory. The Cunene, wo are told by
the writer, is 510 fathoms broad at 50 leagues from its source. Subsequently Dr.
de Lacerda measured the Zambeze, in Jan. 1798, a short way below Tete, and
found its width hardly 450 to 500 fathoms. Lower down, in the broken gorge of
the Lnpata mountains, its flood was only 180 to 200 fathoms wide, and the waters
fell four hands breadth whilst he was on the river, rendering it necessary to unload
the canoes.

“ Were the Cunene and the Zambeze the same streams, the length from the
source to Tete would be 300 to 400 leagues. After such a linage, the volume
of water should be much greater than at 50 leagues from its source, whereas in
the Lupata Gorge it is less. And as the channel of Mozambique receives notliing
larger than the Zambeze we cannot admit that thh month of the Cunene River is
to the north or to the sooth of it

“ The opinion that the Cunene discharges its waters into the Atlantic Ocean is
more plausible. On March 31, 1794, a Governor-General of Angola named, in
order to prevent smuggling, a captain or chief over the ferries of the Bio Trombns,
subject to the Capit&o-JIdr of Coconda Nova. The Governor of Benguella, Barreto
do Vasconcellos, wrote, in 1799: ‘The Cunene fulls into the sea at Cabo Negro,
and forms before reaching the mouth three islands ; it has a very heavy bar
swell.’ This cape is in S. Lat. 15° 48' 0" (15° 40' 7" Raper), and still further
south on English ship found, about 1824, in S. Lat. 17° 15' (17° 25' Raperj,
the mouth of a considerable stream, to which it rave the name of ‘ Nourso
River.' In the following year Captain Owea, B.N., then surveying the coast, met
with no signs of an embouchure, within 30 miles north and the same distance
south, of the place laid down as its mouth. But many African rivers, e. g., the
Bio das Mortes (of murders), in Mosskmedes Bay, are absorbed in dry weather by
the sand.

“ Although it seems probable that the Cunene fuUs into the Atlantic, there is
a third theory which deserves consideration. 'This river may serve to feed a great
lake in the very heart of the continent, as the Asiatic streams supplying th»
Caspian, the Aral, and the Baikal, and as the African lose themselves in the Lake
Tchad (Chad), and in a basin which exists south of the Bios de Sena. This lake

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PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS.

is called in maps* ‘Maravi’ and ‘Zochaf by P*. Manoel Godinho, who says
Vinjem'da India por terra a Portugal,’ 1CC3) that two streams issue from it to
the Zambesi, and who considers that it would facilitate land transit between
Mozambique and Angola. Meanwhile, Captain Gnmitto, in his interesting diary
of a Portuguese expedition sent, in 1831, from Rios de Sena to the capital of
the Cazembe (it afterwards appeared under name ‘ O Muata Cazembe,' Lisboa,
1864), asserts that the name of Maravi is wrongly applied to the Nhanja Gmndo,t
which falls into the sea near Zanzibar Island.

• Trandator^s Note . — The political necessity of concealing discovery, and perhaps
a something of official inouriousness belonmng to tropical climates, have hidden
many of the Portuguese discoveries from the world, and thus in this nineteenth
century we have carried off part of a glory due to them. Dr. Livingstone's pro-
digious labours on the Upper Zambeze about the Nynssa and Shirwa Lakes, and
in the country of the Cckzombe, may well

“ Obscure the glory of each foreign brave."

But it is too much to assert that his predecessors ignored the course of the Zam-
beze, the Shire, and the Nrassa Lake, which under the name of Zaflan (1623) was
known centuries ago. We cannot accept the assertion that “ beyond the great
and little swamps (on the Shire River and called Nyanja) Portuguese geogra-
phical knowledge never extended. Dr. dc Lnccrda will prove that before 1793
the Portuguese settlers at Teto had begun to trade with the Cazembe in S. lat.
8° 15' (not S. lat. 16° 20’), and that in 1825-27 a colony was established on the
banks of the (Southern) Aro&ngoa River, distant but 1° from the south-western
end of the Nynssa. The great traveller unconsciously proves to us how well this
■water was known. In his ‘ First Expedition ’ (chap, xxii.) we find that Sr. Candido
(Jose de Costa Cardozo, the Capitso Mor 7) had visited Lake Marave, 45 days
N.N.W. from Teto. In chap. xix. wo read that an Arab had IxKsn living for
fourteen years at tlio “ Katanga’s, south of Cazembe’s,” where malachite is dug ;
that ho was acquainted with the drainage of the Nyassn, and probably with that
of the Moero Lake, which is described as “ flowing out by the opposite end to
that of Nyassa" — that is to say, northward — a very fair “piece of Arab geo-
graphy.” So in chap. xxv. we are told that the Arab Ben Habib, whom the
traveller met at Linyanti, in 1855, had been taken across the Nyassa.

We may thus resume the question treated above, with the assistance of that
eminent statesman, geographer, and savant, the Viscount do Sa da Baudoira.
(‘ Notes BUT les Flcuvcs Zambesi ct Chiro, ct sur quclqucs Lacs de I'Afrique
Oriental.’ ‘ Bulletin de la Society do Geographic.’ Serio V“’, tome iii. p. 361 ,
and tome iv.. 390.)

1. The Chire (Anglic^ Shire) was navigated by the Portuguese in the sixteenth
and seventeenth centuries.

2. The Nyanja-Mucuro, or Great Lake, in the Marave country, had been visited
by them in the eighteenth century.

3. They had laid down the positions of the lake and the Chiro (Shire) River
in maps.

4. 'They had often crossc<l the Chambeze, or Northern Zambeze, in their
journeys from Tcte to tlio city of the Cazembe.

5. “Sr. Candido had visits the place where the Chiro (Shire) leaves the
lake.” N.B. — This place, called by Dr. Livingstone Murombo, is changed by
Mr. Cooley to “ Pa-Merombo ” — place of junction, viz. of the Nyassa with its
lake-like drain.

6. Dr. Livingstone, by visiting the Upper Zambeze, the Chiro River, and
the Nynssa L&e, and by determining certain points astronomically, and by
describing the country, has added much to our knowledge of this part of Zom-
bezea.

Montciro and Gamitto (1831-32) make this Nhanjn-Mocuro (Great Nyanja),
nine leagues (Portuguese?) broad. The last African expedition led by me, in
1857-59, showed that the confusion caused by this generic word “water” for sea,
lake, pond, river, had thrown into a great central sea the Nyassa (not Nyassi) of
Kilwa ; the Nyanja lately established to the west of Mombasah, and the (Victoria)

i by Coogle

PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS.

“ In confirmation of the Lake theory we have the following fact. In 1801 two
Dutch Ckjmmiseioners, Fruter and SomcrviUo, left, on a cattle-purchaaiag expe-
•dition, Capo Town for the interior. After passing northwards of the Orange River
into the before unvisited lands of the Batlapi, their linguists told them that all
the territory to the north and the north-west were Bechwano, that is to soy
congeners of the Batlapi, and speaking Sechwana (Sitlapi) with various dialects.
The country consisted of vast dry plains, with a great lake to the north-west ;
this, according to the Commissioners, would bo on the confines of Benguela, Dr.
do Lacerda makes the Cunene to run cast; it may find its way into that
lake.

“ This interesting point must soon be decided. Of late years many Protestant
Missions and Moravian Brothers have settled in the Bcohwana country ; more-
over Capo merchants have penetrated 300 to 400 leagues into the interior. They
find this travel easy, for three reasons — the hospitality of the people, the being
able to employ Cape waggons, and the general use of the Sechwana laingua^ of
which tliere are English and Dutch grammars, and which is cognate with the
Bunda of Angola.

“ Moreover, since 1836, some 30,000 Boers have fled from the EngUsh rule.
This extraor^nary exodus of families with flocks, and universally recalling to
mind the Hebrews' flight from Egypt, went eastward ; and part settled in Natal,
whilst some reached the Louren^o Marques Bay and the Inhambane. In 1844,
■we are told, part were still wandering ; haply they may turn to the Portuguese
possessions north-west and discover the mouth of the Cunene.

“ The glory of exploring the Cunene should bo ours. No other nation has such
opportunities of discovery, and we are the most interested in opening up a stream
which, as its breadth of 500 fathoms argues, is probably navigable, and which,
provided with properly-placed Presidios, would become an important centre of
trade.

“ MoBsdmedcs Bay (so called from Baron Mossfi.mcdcs, Governor-General of
Angola, who explorwi the country) is the best starting-point for an expedition
which, marching upon Huila, would strike the Cunene and trarce it down to its
mouth. If our Government resolved to undertake this fine exploration, it might
easily be carried out by young naval and military officers, and the advice of our
author upon the mode of travelling might be adopted os the counsel of experience
and of good senro. Those should be preferred who have completed a course of
polytechnic study. They must bo able to lay down their longitudes by Jupiter’s
satellites, as did Dr. de Lacerda, determine altitudes by the barometer, and register
thermomctric and magnetic observations. A naturalist and a good draughtsman
would complete the personnel. The road-book should be kept with care, and
plotted off without delay, whilst interesting geographical notices and minute
memoranda describing the country, the people, the languages, and other points of
interest, should not be omitted.”

Since this highly interesting note was written (in 1844, it must be observed,
before the “Mombas Mission” had taken up its abode on the coast, and a year
before its excursions began) much has been dons. Fruter ond Somerville’s lake has
been determined to be the Ngami or old Mampur Water, 14“ or 840 miles in
direct distance from the Nyanza Lake. The Batlapi have been visited by many
English travellers, and Dr. Livin^tone includes them amongst the Balak^ari or
western branch of the Great Bechwana family, once an “ insignificant and filthy
people,” but much improved by “trading, peace, and religious teaching” (Dr.
Livingstone, ‘ First Expedition,’ chap. x.).

Dr. de lAcerda’s error about the course of the Cunene, making it flow eastward
instead of westward, is the rock upon which many African inquirers split,
forgetting tliat it is impossible to determine the direction of streams or the lay of
mountains except by ocular inspection. The mouth, said to have been discovered
by “L’EspRgle” in 1724, and passed by Captain Owen, November 28, 1825, is

l^anza Region discovered by Captain Speke, sent by me for that pug>ose. The
Nhanja Mucuru, or Great Water, is called “ Elephant Marsli ” by Dr. Living-
stone, and his map shows it in S. lat. 16° 20'. The Nhanja Pangono, Little
Water, is transferred to S. Lat. 17° 10’.

PEELIMINAKY OBSERVATIONS.

mrtially intermittent, as was wrongly repnterl to be the ease with the Jub.-t
River, and rightly with the W'obbiGamana, the Nile of Makdishu (Magadoxo', or
Haines River on the East Coast of Africa. Captain Owen believed that the rains,
beginning with the year, open the Cunene's mouth, and that during the dries a
strong south-west wind and furious breakers, especially on the southern point,
called in old maps Cape Ruy Perez, heap up a sandbank which seals the em-
bouchure.

The Nbanja Grande is partly a confusion of the Nyassa Lake, between IP
and 14° 25' S. lat., and a flooded morass, or rather a lake region to the north
of the Zambeze in S. lat. 17° 10’. The Zambeze expe^tion found that
both drain, ns the chaplain of Dr. de Lacerda’s party had asserted, into the
Zambeze River, not into the Zanzibar Channel, as Captain Gamitto had supposed.
“ Zachaf ” is evidently the Nyassa Lake.

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( 33 )

INFOBMATION TOUCHING

THE PROPOSED “ CAZEMBE EXPEDITION,”

AND INSTRUCTIONS ISSUED TO HIS PARTY,

BY DR. FRANCISCO JOS^ MARIA DE LACERDA.

Section I.

Respecting the important enteiprise, most illustrious and
excellent Sir,* with which Her Most Faithful Majestjr has
charged me, namely, to discover or to confirm the feasibility
of overland transit between the Eastern and the Western Coasts
of Africa, I have the honour to report to you, for the informa-
tion of the Sovereign, that whilst preparing to carry out with
all despatch the commands of Her Majesty, though doubtful as
to what measures would produce a happy result, being ignorant
of the route to be taken, I heard with pleasure that an old
backwoodsman, Gonpalo Caetano Pereira f by name, had arrived
at this town. In the days of my predecessor he had explored
the lands of a king called Cazembe, dwelling near Angola,
who, having been sent by his father to make conquests in the
interior, now rules, as an independent prince, the Muizas, f and

* This letter, dated Tete, March 22, 1798, is addressed to the same Minister,
D. Rodrigo do Sousa Coutinho, and furnishes all the preliminary information
collected by Dr. de Lacerda concerning the march to the Cazembe’s country.
The paper is reprinted from a manuscript in the library of the Count de Linhores,
and WM offered to the Maritime and Colonial Assosiation of Lisbon, by its ex-
President, His Excellency the Viscount de Sa da Bandeira.

t This is Dr. Livingstone’s “ Pcirara ” (see his ‘ First Expedition,’ chap. xxix.
p. 587). The traveller gives a curious account of “ Dr. Lacerda’s expedition,” and
tells us that his papers were ‘‘ lost to the world.” Moreover we find that he
considers the “ real negro ” to be only the anthropoid ” north of 20°.”

t Also termed Moizes, Movizas, Invizas, and Aizas. Dr.. Livingstone writes
a la Makololo Abisa, or Babisa, the KisawahUi Wabisa or Wabisha. The learned
Jesuit de Jorrio (ii. 163) calls them Ambios or Imbies. Das Neves (p. 397)
prefers “ Vaviza ” and Vavua, ‘‘ the rich people ” (Vavua in Kisawahili, the plural
of “M’vua,” would mean “hunters” or “fishermen”). Dr. Livingstone (chap.
XXX.) confounds the tribe with the Wanyarawezi, misled by Mr. Cooley (‘ Geog.
of N’yassi,’ p. 17), who tells us that they are “similar in physical character and
natural marks.” Of these marks I shall have something to say on a future occa-
sion. The “ Muizas ” originally lived on tlie west of the Nyassa, extending to
the Tanganyika Lake, According to Monteiro and Gamitto, they were expclKd

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DE LACEBDA’S LETTEK AND INFORMATION

other Caffre (Kafir) tribes. The chief had sent two envoys to
visit me, and from them I took down the following depositions.
Having obtained this information, I will delay no longer than
is necessary to hire the 300 Muizas who escorted my informant
the son of the said Gonpalo Gaetano. So many slaves have-
lately deserted and died of famine, that, without such aid, I
hardly could have obeyed Her Majesty’s orders. Yet I am
aware that even under these favourable circumstances, full
confidence must not be reposed in the Muizas and in the
Cazembe.

I have made every arrangement that is here possible. A
company of fifty soldiers viith oflScers has been recruited, to
assist me in carrying out the measures which their knowledge
of the country suggests. Want of time prevents my applying
for aid to the Mozambique, nor do I remet it. The Governor-
General there informed me that, thou^ readj*to assist in all
req^uisites, he did not wish to know or to hear a word about my
undertaking.

I have the honour, &c.,

, (Signed) Francisco JosE Maria de Laceeda

E Almeida.

Section II.*

Before entering upon this deposition I will briefly state that,,
about forty years ago, Gonfalo Gaetano Pereira came from Goa,
and made his livelihood, as do all the colonists, by gold-washing
and trading with the Gaffres of the interior.! Thin of frame
and high-spirited, his generosity and courage have made
him loved and feared by all the knights of the interior, and
they, as well as the Portuguese, nickname him “ Dombo-
Dombo,” meaning “ the Terror.”

their territory by the Muembas or Moluanes, and they have since been much
scattered. They are now great travellers and traders, and they have approached
the northern bsnhs of the Zambeze River — Dr. Livingstone met them near the
Loangwa stream, bringing F.nglish goods from Mozambique. They are acute as
Levantines, and are well known at Zanzibar : I have found several of them
reduced to slavery in the Brazil.

* The deposition of Manoel Gaetano Pereira concerning his journey in company
vrith his father, Gongalo Gaetano Pereira, to the city of Gazembe, the king nearest
to the Portuguese possessions on tho West Goast of Africa. lu Monteiro and
Gamitto’s Expedition of 1831 (p. 129) we read that they found Manoel Gaetano
Pereira, a Gapitao-Mdr of the interior.'and his brother, Pedro Gaetano Pereira, in
the lands of the Ghdvas north of the Maraves.

t The Portuguese apply the word Gaffres (Kafirs) generically to the heathen of
the inner regions, and especially to slave porters. According to Dr. I.ivingstone
(‘ First Expedition,’ chap, x.), tho Gaffres consider the name GeSffre an insult. So do-
“ niggers " at Sierra Leone and convicts in Australis.

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Olf THE PBOPOSED “CAZEMBE EXPEDITION.'

Years ago the Muizas, in their tradings with the Mujao,*
heard that this man was working at, and dwelling near, the
mines of Java (Jaua), beyond the Zambeze River, some five
days’ journey from this town. In 1793 they came to trade
with him in ivory, and they informed him that their lord,
the Cazembe, desired his friendship. He entrusted to these
Muizas, without other security but their word, a little cloth,
which sold well ; and afterwards he sent to the king, with the
like success, two of his trading slaves (Muzambazes).t Desiring
to benefit the colonists — a rare idea in these regions — Gonpalo
Gaetano Pereira informed them of the new opening for com-
merce, and some of them resolved to send up their slave-porters
in charge of his son Manoel Gaetano Pereira, a young man,
going for the first time to manage his father’s third venture.

In May 1796, Manoel, accompanied by his own slaves and
^ the Muizas, who, the year before, had brought down the
Gazembe’s ivory, set out for Marenga | (Marengue ?) land, three
days’ march from Tete. The first regions which he traversed
were those of the Marave § kinglets, called Bive, Vinde, Mo-
canda,|| Mazy, and Mazavamba ; and he secured free passage by
presenting a little cloth to the most powerful. He was forty-five
days in reaching the banks of the Arangoa River, which falls
into the Zambeze near the town of Zumbo.H The Portuguese,

• Thia is the Portuguese form adopted by Dr. Livingstone (‘ First Expedition,'
chap. xxxi.). In Expedition No. 2, ho calls them Waiao, Waiau, or Ajawa, and
he records a fight with them. The Wasawahili prefer “ Mhiilo,” in the plural
“ Wihiao." The once powerful tribe has its habitation on tho north and east of
the Nyassa Lake. Borne authors confuse it with the Augiiros. The women, like
those of the Marave, distend the upper lip.

t Also written Mozimbazes and Mossambozes. It means “ commerciantes
ambnlantes dos Sertues,” native itinerant traders, the same as the Pombeiros of
tho Western Coast, who take their mongrel name from the Angolan Fombo, a
path, with the Lusitanian suffix -eiros.

I In some of the Zanzibar dialects “ Marenga ’’ means water.

§ Of tho Marave more anon. It is a powerful tribe, and hostile to strangers,
living between the Zambeze Biver and the lands to the south-west of the Nyassa
Lake, hence the water for years has been known to Europe as the “Marave
Lake.”

II In Monteiro and Gamitlo (p. 448) we find that the Imds travelled through
hy them between Tete and the Cazembo’s country were governed by three great
chiefs. These were — 1. The Unde oftho Maravea. 2. The Mueftnda (Moksmda)
of the Che'vas ; and 3. The Chiti-Muculo, King of the Muembas.

^ Of the Southern Aruangoa, the stream here alluded to, more will be found in
a future note. The Northern Aruangoa, Loangwa or Boaugo, is made a northern
influent of the Zambeze, 180 direct miles west of Tete : it was first crossed by Dr.
Livingstone on Deceml^r 14, 1855. The map of his Second Expedition lays down
for its upper branches a course very different from that of tlie first and, agreeing
with Portuguese information, it is probably more correct. We can hardly under-
stand how the traveller, after seeing a stone church and other such signs of
civilization at Zumbo (the old mission town on the right bank of the Zambeze and
the left of the Loangwa), could persuade himself that the Portuguese never
travelled up the Zambeze Volley.

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DE LACERDA’S LETTER AND INFORMATION

however, had not reached the place where he crossed the
stream. The Maraves, professed robbers, fearing the number of
his party, allowed him transit for small payments ; nor did they
annoy him with their “Milandos”* or palavers, by means of
which they mulct the traders in cloth, to the great injury
of commerce. A dog entering a hut or chasing a hen ; even
the trader’s slaves appearing in a village without warning ; in
fact any trivial pretence of the kind, becomes a crime, which
can be expiated only by cloth. We are weak, so we must suffer.
But, if I return safe from Western Africa, these bandits shall
be punished.

Throughout the Marave country millet (Holcus sorghum)
abounds ; there are also beans, seeds of different kinds, and live
cattle. The travellers saw no sheep, goats, or pigs. The
Cazembe alone had a sow, sent from near Angola by his father,!
and now, his only hog being dead, he is sending there for some
couples.

Leaving slaves to treat with the neighbouring Caflfres, Pereira
Junior crossed the Aruangoa in ferry -canoes, for which he paid a
small sum, and ’reached the Muizas, who begin beyond the
northern bank. He halted there awhile for necessaries ; then
marching, according to Caflfre caprice, four or five hours a day,
after twenty days he struck another river, which the people
called “Zambeze.”! From their information I venture to say

• The term “Milandos" means charges brought against travellers for the
purpose of plundering them : in feet, the “ palavers " of the West Coast. I shall
have more to say about this word, which is constantly re-occurring.

t “ Father ” hero mans “ liege lord ” and “ son, often “ subject,’’ whilst
“brother" is any man of the same tribe. The Matiamvo, Matianfa, Muata-
Yambo, Muata-Hianvo, or MutiW. yd Nvo, was visited by Joaquim Rodrigues
Gra9a in 1847 : he is the paramount Chief of Londa (Lunda) and of the Aluuda,
Varunda, Aronda, or Alonda tribe, the Balonda of Dr. Livingstone.

t Dr. de Lacerda’s Zambeze divides the Muiza country from the dominions
proper of the Cazembe. In the map of Dr. Livingstone's Second Expedition we find
a “Zambesi eastern branch" in lat. S. 11° and W. long. 29° to 31°. It thus
became a headwater of the stream, concerning which the canoe men sing, —

“ The Leeambye ! Nobody knows
Whence.it comes and whither it goes."

(‘ Livingstone’s First Expedition,’ chap, xxvi.)

And, finally, Mr. Cooley has distorted it in a special manner, which wUl require a
futiure notice. Dr. de Incerda's assertion, touching the non-identity of the two
streams, has been verified by Dr. Livingstone’s third and latest expedition. The
traveller, in February 1867, crossing the “ Zambesi eastern branch," which he calls,
like all the Portuguese travellers, Chambeze, clearly a dialectic variety, found it
flowing to the left hand (from east to west), and forming the Lake Bangweolo.
This water lies at the northern countcrslope of the Muehinga Mountains, and
drains through the Lakes Bangweolo, Moero (Livingstone, September 8, 1867), and
Ulenge or Kamalondo, to an unvisited lake further north. I have given my
reasons for believing that this great valley communicates with the north-western
branch of the mighty Congo. Dr. Livingstone (addressing Lord Granville from

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ON THE PROPOSED “CAZEMBE EXPEDITION.” 37

that it is not ourZambeze, nor any of its influents from theXire
(Shire) Eiver* upwards. The Zambeze of the Muizas flows to
the right hand of those crossing it from Tete, and it falls into
other streams, of which I shall presently speak.

The Muizas were found to be a kindly and commercial people.
A little cloth was “ dashed ” to the chiefs, who, conouered by
the Cazembe, pay tribute to him in stuffs, for which ne always
returns ivory. The dry goods hitherto imported into this country
have been bought by the Mujao (VVahiao), indirectly or directly,
from the Arabs of Zanzibar and its vicinity.! Hence these
people receive all the ivory exported from the possessions of the
Cazembe; whereas formerly it passed in great quantities through
our port of Mozambique.^

The Cazembe declines to take cloth from his subject chiefe,
who brin" it cut up and high priced. He wishes the Portuguese
to send him bales, “as they come from afar.”§ Our trade
would soon supplant that of our rivals, the Mujao, if we could
import a quantity of cloth ; and if we are rightly informed, a
matter into which I will look personally, the Cazembe does
not buy goods : perhaps it would not be held dignified for him

Ujiji, December 18, 1871) now derives the “ Leeambye," or Upper Zambeze, from
“ Palmerston’s Fountain.” Of this curious theory a few words have been said
in the Introductory Remarks.

* The Missionary Luis Marianno (‘Lettere Annue d’Etiopia, &c.,’ Rome,
1627) well knew that the Chcrim (Shire) flows out of the Marave Lake (Nyasro),
and that its bed has rapids. Fray Manoel Godinho (1663) makes the Chire
River drain the “ Zachaf ” Lake. Mr. Cooley C Qeog. of N’yassi ’) thus comments
upon the old explorer : “ With respect to the River Cherim, said to flow from the
hike, it is evident that Mariano hod in view a River Querimba, that is to say, a
river entering the sea somewhere opposite to the Querimba Islands” And this is
what is called Comparative Geograpliy I The supposed “Querimba River” is not
even traced in Mr. Cooley’s map. Dr. Livingstone (‘ First Expedition,’ chap, iit)
tells ns “ we could not learn from any record that the Shire bad ever been
ascended by Europeans ’ (before his first journey in January 1859). He forgot that
the missionary JoaO dos Santos, who had residra in the country eleven years from
1586 to 1597, mentions, in his ‘.Ethiopia Oriental’ (Pinkerton, vol. xvi. p. 337),
the great river Chiri navigated by the blacks and colonists of Sena. The Shire is
now unhappily well known as the quarters of those murdered men, the first Uni-
versity Missionaries.

t 'Through Kilwa, which, when I visited it in 1859, had a large trade with the
Cazembe’s city ; many Arabs were engaged in it. From this point started the
late Dr. Roscher, who reached the Nyassa Lake two months alter it had been
visited by Dr. Livingstone ; and he was followed part of the way by the late
Baron von der Decken.

I The European establishments at Zanzibar have, of course, increased this evil
to the Portuguese. Unfortunately, however, the Wahiao tribe has been so
favoured in the slave-market that it is now nearly extinct. I have discussed the
subject in ‘ Zanzibar, City, Island, and CorTst ’ (Loudon, Tinsleys, 1871).

§ That is to say, “ whole,” unent. This general want of Africa accounts for the
negroes’ desire to trade with the white man face to face. The King of Dahnmo,
like the Cazembe, docs not buy or sell: it is a cunning African “dodge.” by
which he gains greatly.

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DE LACEEDA’S LETTER AND INFORMATION

to trade; they must be presented as “dashes,” or free gifts
(saguate),* and he makes a return in ivory. Clearly this king,
though in the heart of Africa, is not the barbarian whom closet
geographers (geografos de vidrafas) describe. The Cafifres are
m some points like the Mexicans and the Peruvians, who were,
in my opinion, more civilized than their Spanish conquerors.t
Beyond the influents of the (northern) Zambeze Eiver begin
the lands of the Cazembe, conquered by his father MuropeoJ
(sic), as those of the Muizas have been by the Cazembe himself.
The party travelled thirty days from the river to the king’s
capital, crossed some deserts, saw wild beasts of different sorts,
and spent a day fording a lake waist-deep. This body of water
is drained by two' channels ;§ according to the Caflfres, one feeds
their Zambeze, the other goes to the Murusura River, upon
whose banks is the royal residence. || This Murusura passes

• Dr. Livingstone (‘ The Zambesi and its Tributaries ’) calls this “ Seguati,”
and explains it well.

t This assertion shonld hardly pass unnoticed. In Mexico, as in Peru, a won-
drous physical civilization, chiefly shown by public works, monuments, and roads,
a despotism which secured life and property, and a religion which annually slew
its hundreds of human victims, was summarily destroyed by a band of Conquis-
tadores — men who in the present days would be looked upon as barbarians. But
these men had, those people had not, the material of true progress within them.
Peru has now her Blakeley guns and her railways : she would not have had
them under the Incas or their descendants.

I More generally Muropiie or Murbpoe. Ladislaus Magyar declares that this
title given by the Portuguese to the MuSta ya Nvo is unknown to the people
of Lunda or Honda. The following Diary (January 16, 1799, and elsewhere)
shows that it is applied to a neighbouring king, and here too we find “ Sana
Muropoe ” the title of an officer.

§ Poor Dr. de Lacerda never knew what a “ row ” such a statement would
now excite in the geographical world : we are still disputing about “ lakes with
two outlets.”

II Murusura is called Hemosura by Father Luis Marianno, called by Mr.
Cooley “ Luigi Mariano,” the Sena Missionary, who published in 1627 ; and ho
makes, as I have said, the Shire River flow from it. It is therefore a synonym
of the Marave Lake, Dr. Livingstone’s Lake Nyassa. In this century, Mr.
Cooley has actually confounded it with the Eiver Luapula, the Mofo Lake, and
the Tanganyika Lake. He makes “Hemosura” a mistake for “Mimisura,”
meaning “ the Sea ” (p. 17), even as Moquro is a rivulet, and Roquro grande a
large body of water. In my ‘ Report to the Royal Geographical Society ’ (vol.
szix. p. 272) I have explained these words (note on Diary, Sept. 10th). Dr.
Livingstone (‘ Second Expedition,’ chap. x. p. 214) says, that the Bazizulu
(Zulus ?) are known to geographers, who derive their information from the Portu-
guese, as “ Morusuros.” Mr. Cooley suggests that “the Portuguese call them
Moziruro, meaning perhaps, M’zariro, the name of a powerful chief on the
River Save." This is mere comecturo.

According to Monteiro and Gamitto (p. 349) Lunda, the Cazembe’s capital, is
on the Boutucm or south-eastern edge of “ Mofo, Grande Lago.” Mr. Cooley has
lately placed the Cazembe's city on the north-east bank of the Mofo, a lakelet
2 or 3 miles broad, and not connected with “ Lake Moeri.” In Mr. E. G. Raven-
stein's map, this Movo (Mofo) drains into the Zambeze basin, which also receives
the waters of the 'Tanganyika, by means of the Luapula River (compare note
on Diary, June 6, 1799;. In Monteiro and Gamitto’s map, the “Guapula

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ON THE PROPOSED “CAZEMBE EXPEDITION.’

’bebind the Murimbala* Range, near Sena. Some of our people
call it Nanjaeja-Matope (Nyanja ya M’tope), others “ Shire.”t
Travellers making the Cazembe’s city cross it in three days,
nighting on islands. They also say that their Zambeze falls
into this stream far below (south of) the city, f

The Muizas are a mercantile tribe, who have penetrated into
those countries, and who have at times brought down their
ivories to Quilimane§ (Kilima-ni). Possibly they may tell the
truth respecting the Xire (Shire) River ; but if we compare its
mouth with the width of tne stream in the Cazembe’s country,
there appears to me a contradiction. The former, however, is
confined by mountains; the latter flows through immense plains
(Dumbos), which begin upon the Aroangoa River; |J hence,

River” three days’ journey, or 30 direct miles, from the capital of Cazembc,
flows to the northwest. I have long ago recorded the Arab opinion that the
Tanganyika Lake has at the south an influent, the Runangwa or Marungu
River, not an effluent as the Luai>ula of Mr. Raveustein. Dr. Idvingstoue
(‘ Second Expedition,’ chap, xxv.) says : “ Flowing still further in the same direc-
tion (to the west) the Loapnia forms l4tke Mofuo or Mofu, and after this, it is
said to pass the town of Cazembe, bend to the north, and enter Lake Tanganyika.”
In chap. XX vii. the traveller hears this from Babisa tobacco dealers, and says, “this
•is the native idea of the geography of the interior.” Dr. Livingstone's Third
Expedition, however, sots all right, and gives us the first correct view ot the
■country. The Cazembe s town is placed north-east of a diminutive basin called
Mofo or Mofwe, which connects, through the Londa (Luapula) River with Lake
Moero, the centre of three fed by the northern slope of the Mnchinga range.

Dr. Livingstone (‘First and Second Expeditions') describes Morumbala
(“the lofty watch-tower”) near Sena, to be an oblong, wooded mountain-mass,
“probably 3000 to 4000 feet high,” and, as its hot sulpliurous fountain on the
plain at the north-eastern side (northern in ‘ First Exp^tion ') would show, of
igneous formation. In his map there is an island in the Nyassa Lake called
“ Muromba Hill,” which has disappearod.from the chart of the ‘ Second Exjxidition.’

t This is clearly a confusion between the Lake Nyassa and tlie two Nyanjas
■(to the North Mukulu or Mucuru, “ the great," and to the south Pangono or “ the
small on the road from the Zambeze River to the Nyassa Lake. It must again
be observed that in the Zangian tongues, Nyassa, Nyanza, Nyanja, and other forms,
all signify water. M'tope is a mud, the Portuguese “Lama,” in Monteiro’s map
“Dambo I/xloeo.”

I M. Ravenstein makes both streams, “ Loapula ” and “ Schambese,” fall into
the Chuia Lake (Portuguese, Chover, to rain '!). This is Dr. Livingtone’s “ Shuia,”
which has three outlets. I called it, in 1859, the “ Chama Lake,” from the dis-
trict which it occupies.

§ So in ‘ Annaes Mnritimos ’ (p. 291). I am at pains to know why Mr. Cooley
(‘ Geography of N’yassi ' p. 17) should translate this passage, “ The Moviza, being
great traders, go a long way into the country, and even penetrate at times to
Luilhim” (for Eilima-ni on the coast). He adds, “in tliis name it is easy
to recognise the Portuguese abbreviation of Lukelingo,” which (p. 15) he calls
the capital of I^.

What a comfirmed confusion! Luchcringa (not Lukelingo) is the name of a
staiion on tlie way from Kilwa to the Nyassa Lake. “lao” (for Uhy4o) is the
land of the Wahiao, who, I have said, are now nearly annihilated by the slave-
trade. Their “ capital ” is on a par with the “ town Zanga&ica,” west of the Tan-
^nyika Lake. Dr. Krapf (‘ Travels,’ &c., p. 419) mentions “ Keringo,” a station
in their country ; but he knew too much of Africa to talk of a “ capital.”

II From Tete to the Cazembc's country the traveller crosses two streams of

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DE LACERDA’S LETTER AND INFORMATION

perhaps, the difference. Or it may he the Lucuase Eiver,*
whose mouth is near Quilimane, but whose upper course is
unknown — a doubtful point which I hope soon to resolve.
Perchance, again, it may be some other stream which dis-
charges its waters into the ocean between Mozambique and
Quilimane.

The Cazembe evidently desires intercourse with us. After
vainly attempting to detain Manoel Gaetano Pereira, with the
assurance that he would send his own ivory-porters to bring up
more cloth, he unwillingly dismissed his visitor, and only
on express condition that the latter would return ; and he
threatened, if deceived, to slay all the Portuguese in those
parts and to seize their property. During the six months of
^noel Gaetano Pereira’s stay, the king made him many pre-
sents, amongst which was a large farm of manioc — there the
staff of life. He promised restoration of stolen goods, with
profit to the injured person; and gave him and his followers
immunity from the laws to which his vassals are subject, such
as cutting off the ears, hands, and pudenda of adulterers. They
witnessed an instance of the latter amputation, and similar
pains and penalties.

This king, our good friend, is proud of intercourse with us.
Shortly after the arrival of Manoel Gaetano Pereira he sent a
message to his father, the other king (Mwata y& Nvo), that as

the latter had his ,t meaning sons of, or born under,

Avater, so he himself had been visited by whites from the other
shore. It is this boast, t combined with want of cloth, which
makes him so much desire our friendship. He sent to me, a»

nearly the same, and possibly quite the same, name. The southern is the Aru-
angoa, Aroang6a, or Arangoa, which falls into the Zambcze about the Kebra-
basa Rapids, and upon whose banks a Portuguese colony was built ; the northern
is the Arangos, or Loangwa, the head-water of the Roango or Loangwa, which
falls into the Zambeze at Zumbo.

* In Dr. Livingstone's map we find the “River Licuara," alias Likuire
(‘ First Expedition,’ chap, xxxii.), a northern influent of the Quilimane mouth of
Zambeze ; but it appears to be an insignificant stream.

t A word is here omitted in the original — in Kisawahili it would be “ Wana
Maji.” The negroes of the interior look upon the whiteness of European skins,
and especially the straightness of hair — of which they sometimes say, “ it is the
mane of a lion, and not hair at all,’' and '* only look at bis hair I it is made quite
straight by the sea-water ’’—as the effect of marine or submarine life. The old
Maharattas also regarded the English as an amphibious race.

t In my ‘Mission to Dahome’ I have shown that a similar vanity exists, and
that its result is a modified form of human sacrifice. King Gelcle, wishing
to send a message to his father, summons a captive, carefully primes him witli
the subject of his errand, generally some vaunt, adhibits a bottle of rum, and
strikes off his head. If an important word be casually omitted he repeats the
operation, a process which I venture to call a postscript.

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ON THE PROPOSED “CAZEMBE EXPEDITION.” ' 41

envoy, the son of a Muiza chief, whom he had conquered and
put to death. This messenger brought in his train one Catara,
a grandee of the Cazembe’s kingdom, and two spies (sopozos),
to see that neither I nor their master were deceived by him in.
the matter of my reply.* * * § Of these, one died; the other, a
youth of sixteen to eighteen years old and a confidential slave
of the monarch, survived. The envoy and CatAra both informed
me that the Cazembe, or his ancestors, coming from about
Angola, which they pronounced Gora,f overran his present
territories; that from his capital to the small kingdom of
Moropoe is a journey of sixty days, or somewhat less for white
men;J and, finally, that canoes from Angola and its vicinity
came up to fetch slaves. On the way between the two countries
are four rivers running to the left (south-west), and therefore
falling into the Atlantic ; and one is so broad that it takes a
day to cross. May this not be the Cunene, or, as it is called
in some maps, the Kio Grande ? From the Moropue’s kingdom-
to the Cazembe’s country pass cloths, and the “notions” (trastes)
common on the western coast, as mirrors, tea-things kept for
show, plates, cups, beads of sorts, cowries, § and broadcloths of
various kinds. I myself saw a scarlet “durante” (a narrow
woollen stuff without nap) which the king had given to a
Caffre slave of Manoel Gonpalo Pereira.

The Cazembe sends his chattels to his “ father,” who remits
them to Angola, taking in barter broadcloths, as baize, du-
rante, fine serge (serafina), and the articles specified above.
They do not sell their captives to the Portuguese, who hold
them of little account compared with ivory. The latter article,
however, would be much more lucrative if transported by water,
instead of the present tedious and expensive land-journey. U
The Cazembe’s country abounds in manioc, white gourd^

• This system of spies and of duplicate officials is quite African, as I havo
shown in the ‘ Story of a Mission to Uahoine.’

t From Monteiro and Oamitto we learn (p. 498, Ac.,) that the Alundas call
the lands of the Muropue (or Mwata ya Nvo) “Angola" or “Gora; " the latter
evidently a European corruption of “Bunda Ngola” in full A-Ngola, the land
of (the cliieO Ngola.

t The direct distance from the capital of the Cazembe to Kabehc, the capital of
the Mwata ya Nvo is from 4 to 5 degrees = 240 to 300 miles. This place is
built near and north of the Luiza River, supposed to bo an casfrm branch of
the Great Kasai. According to Ijidislaus Magyar, the Portuguese call this capital
also Luuda. The four rivers running, as was formerly supposed, to the south-
west, will re-occur in the course of these pages.

§ Caurim or Cauril, plural Cauris. The popular word is “ buzio, ’ from which
the French in the Brazil coin “ lies Ixiuges." In Angola it is Zimbo, and it has
a different name amongst every tribe.

II The only cheap way of exporting ivory from the heart of Africa is upon the
shoulders of slaves, the latter being of course sold on the coast.

DE LACERDA’S LETTER AND INFORMATION

ground-nuts,* “jugo,” a small haricot like the ricinus,t white
sugar-cane, the sweet potato (C. batata), and the Dende, whose
fruit makes oil4 Between the lands of the Cazembe and
Moropoe there are many deserts wanting supplies. Our tra-
veller found provisions deficient amongst the Muizas when
taking on liis return a different road (the westerly ?), nor did
he reach the lake above alluded to. The cows are the king’s
private property : § only his dignitaries may herd black cattle.

The entertainment of the Cazembe is magnificent. He has
a number of domestic slaves, and he carefully preserves his
many wives, who are allowed to speak with his confidants only.
His usual dress || is a large silk sheet (tobc) wound around the
middle and girt with a bandoleer : it is plaited and folded above
the girdle after the fashion of the Cabmdas. He wears a cap
ornamented with red feathers, and his legs are adorned with
cowries, large white beads (velorio), the pipe-shaped beads
(canutilho),1T much valued amongst them, and beads of sorts.**

The Cazembe rarely appears in public, the better to preserve

• In the original “ amendoim,” which docs not mean almonds, of which the
Persian variety, or “bidam” (a Sterculia), is found upon the Zanzibar coast, but
never far in the interior. Monteiro and Gamitto, however, say (p. 163) tliat on the
banka of the Northern Aruangoa River tiiey observed “ amendoeiras das que dilo as
amendoas cliamadas durazias cm Portugal.” Here it is the Arachit hypogaca, the
Pistaobo of old and tlio Aracbide of modem French travellers, the i>ea-nut of the
Northern United States, the Pindwe (a Loango word) of the Southern States
and the Ginguba of Angola.

t Especie do feijso carrapato. M. Constancio's Dictionary explains Carra-
pateiro as Palma Christi, the castor-oil tree, from the resemblance of its fruit
to the cattle-tick (carrapato). The vulgar Portuguese name of the shrub is
•“ mamona.”

t The Dende', or Dendem, in Africa and in the Brazil, is the Ehxw Guini'entu,
or palm-oil tree. I found a species on the Tanganyika Lake which produced good
oil, but the frait was a bunch like grapes, not a spike, as on the West African
Coast and about Bahia.

§ The same is the case in Benin city. (See my ‘Visit to tbo Renowned Cities
of Wari and Benin,’ ‘ Fraser’s Magazine,’ February, March, and April, 1863.)

11 Bo MM. Monteiro and Gamitto describe the Cazembe's dress as a waist-cloth
or swathe, called Muconzo, with one end made fast below the waist by a little
ivory arrow to the body-cloth, and the whole wound round the middle in short,
regular folds. A leathern belt, known os “ Insipo,” supported the garment. Their
frontispiece, “ O Muata Cazembe vestido do grande Galla,” shows this swathe
and its bandoleer. The chaplain of Dr. de Lacerda's exp^tion will presently
describe it in these pa^.

T M. Constancio derives this word from the French “ canutille,” meaning “ purl,”
“ filum argentcum vel aureum,” the gold or silver wire, tubular and spiral, used in
embroidery. In MM. Monteiro and Gamitto it is a b^d material. They make
it (p. 181 ) a synonym of “ Ddrora,” a pipe-shaped bead, or rather bugle, one inch
long by four to five lines in breadth. In p. 189 wo read of “ Canutilho de todas
as cures.” In Venice “ canutilho” is call^ Pipiotei.

** In the days of MM. Monteiro and Gamitto (1831-1832), the beads for
Quilimane were white, blac^ green, and my ; for Sena, white and black ; for
Teto and Sofala, large white, black, and brick-red ; and for Inhambane and
Lourenfo Murqu^ of all colours.

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ON THE PEOPOSED “CAZEMBE EXPEDITION.” 43

the respect of his people. He receives his nohles sitting behind
a curtain, and presents to them, not tea, coffee, nor chocolate,
whose equipage is always displayed, but millef^beer (Pombe),* * * §
and the wine (Sura) of the Mediuca palm.t The courtiers
■drink only what the king portions out to them, for fear of
intoxication, which is an offence severely punished by its own
pecuHar judge.J

The Cazembe has a number of well-disciplined troops, whose
chiefs every night bring him the news, and receive his orders
and the watchword (Santo),§ which they pass like civilized
nations. There are different corps de garde, patrols and rounds
to keep the peace and to repress disorders and drunkenness.
The city is surrounded by a deep ditch, said to be several
leagues in length : || during war time the vassals are lodged
within the enclosure, so as to be out of danger, but it does not
appear that any neighbouring king claims superiority over, or
even equality with, him. The offensive weapons are spears
6 feet long, and shorter assegais for throwing, with broad-
bladed and well-worked viol-shaped and pointed knives (Pocue),
whose short neck acts as a handle.H For defensive armour
they have shields, flat parallelopipedons, externally of light
thin tree-bark, large enough to defend the whole body : the
inside is strengthened and kept in shape by neat wickerwork,
and before battle these defences are soaked in water. The
soldiers do not use bows and arrows, but the Muiza archers
skirmish in the van of the army, which is formed in three lines.**

The Cazembe prescribes the seasons for amusement, lest

* Pomlie is a word generally used throughout Zanzibar and the Sawahil.
The kings of Yoruba also affected, like the Cazembe, to conceal tliemaclves from
public view, especially whilst eating, drinking, or snuffing. When the King of
Dahome drinks, a curtain is held before him by his women.

t My friend Dr. Kirk informs me that tlie date-palm la there called Jindi.
The Devil's-palm (Jtaphia vimferd) is that most used on the East African Coast.
The best liquor is drawn from the oil-palm, but it injures the tree ; the cocoa-nut
also gives, on the Western Co-ast at least, a first-rate wine : I do not like that
drawn from the date. Monteiro and Gamitto (p. 403) mention a wild palm which
the natives know as “ Mediqua.” It is evidently that of the text.

I In Dahome the punishment for drunkenness is very severe : it is regretable
that such is not the ease throughout West Africa.

§ So called in Portuguese, because it is or was generally tlie name of some
saint

II This style of defence is also African ; the text would well deseribe Abcokuta.
The curious reader may consult the first of ray volumes on Abeokuta and the
Camarones Mountains. Agbome, the capital of Dahome, is girt by a fosse, but it
has no walls.

^ These short handles, unfit for the European grip, remind us of the swords
and daggers of India and Abyssinia.

•* Like the Roman hastati, principcs, and triarii. I have described a similar
organisation amongst the Watuta of the African Lake Regions. (‘ Lake Regions,’
& vol. ii. p. 77.)

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41 ’ DE LACERDA’S LETTER AND INFORMATION

there should be no work and all play, which would breed
troubles amongst his subjects and demoralise the soldiers.
Ivory selling is a royal prerogative, and only the nobles can
dispose of small quantities with his express permission : hence,
as 1 have said, all the cloth is presented by the traders to the
king. He has copper and iron mines, and he is now at war
with a chief whose country produces tin.* I showed our Caffro
visitors gold, which they recognised, calling it in their tongue
“ money ; ” all declared, however, that there was none in their
lands. Perhaps they do not know how to extract the precious
metal, or it lacks value amongst them. His ofiBcers are me-
chanics, workers in cloth and in iron.t

There is a great difference between the modest deportment,
the way of eating (comedimento), the songs, the dances, and
the drumming of these Gaffres and those of our black neighbours
near the Rios de Sena. A messenger from the kingdom of
Bar6e,t whom I saw at Sena, harangued loudly for a good half-
hour, with immoderate gesticulation, in order to give a short
message. On the contrary the Cazembe’s envoy spoke little,
with gi-eat civility, and so softly, that not much was heard.
Before the latter addressed ns, his interpreter, a Caffre slave of
Gonpalo Gaetano Pereira, collected with his fingers, as is their
custom, a little earth, with which he rubbed his breast and
fore-arms, and this ceremony was ref)eated after he had trans-
lated the message.§ Our negroes drum a horrible thunder-
storm, and he plays best who beats the hardest ; besides which
both men and women dance with extreme indelicacy. |1 The
drums of our guests are tapped like zabumbas (tomtoms) gently
and sweetly : this serves as an accompaniment to their songs
and dances, which are as graceful and decorous as can be
expected. The chief did not honour me by dancing before
me : Gatara and his spy did so before delivering their message.
After this the people came to compliment them, some em-
bracing him ; others touching with their little wands, in token

♦ In the original “ latao,” which the dictionnriea explain “ brass, a mixture of
copper and calaininaris stone” — but from African hills we do not dig brass.
There is probably antimony, and Montoiro and Gamitto twice mention tin>
(estanho). Dr. Kirk suggests that “ latso ’’ may signify “ pewter,” but it cannot
have that sense here. I hare alluded to antimony near Mombasah in ‘ Zanzibar •„
City, Island, and Coast.’

t So in England, Wayland Smith, the blacksmith, was once adored.

j Probably the liarue of Dr. Livingstone (to the west of Sena and north of
Miini9a), the Bambirc, or people of Banie.

§ This earth-rubbing is general amongst the more ceremonious tribes of
Africa, as those of Benin, Dahome, the Congo, &c. Of course it is a token of high
respect.

II Again showing that the interior peoples are more civilized than the
maritime, who, from foreign civilisation, pick up only the vices.

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ON THE PROPOSED “CAZEMBE EXPEDITION.’

©f their inferiority, the lance or spear which they held in
hand.

The Muiza jag the sides of their teeth', making them re-
semble those of a saw.* It must be hard work, without files,
thus to spoil the work of Nature; they effect it, however,
making the patient suffer severely, by means of a bit of iron,
which they promised to give me.f I greatly admired their
head-dresses (toques). The Cazembe’s vassals proper, so to
speak, neither chip their teeth nor use the toques, being soldiers,
who have no leisure for such coquetries.

With regard to religion, we could only learn that the Muizas
and the Cazembe’s people have hollow idols (fetishes ?)t in
which they store their medicines before drinking them. A
Caffre of this country, being at a house in Tete where some
Muizas had danced, and where they had been rewarded with
cloth and beads, invidiously remarked that they had consulted
their wizards. The Muizas (I must observe that here both
whites and blacks understand the strangers) indignantly re-
butted the accusation, telling the man that they had no such
habits. They do not affect the ill-omened “palavers” (milandos
negregados §) : in war time, when compelled by hunger, they
are cannibals.

Catara and another, his slave or his companion, declared, on
being shown the compass, that they had seen that thing in
“Grora.” When asked how far it was from the Cazembe’s
country to Angola, they answered, with a vivacity which ensured

* I have stated (‘ Late Regions of Central Africa,’ vol. ii. p. 150) that, according
to the Arabs, the Wabisha (Muizas) do not file their teeth nor raise a dotted line
on the nose. Mr. Cooley, in his ‘ Review,’ (Stanford, London, 1804), objects to
my making the latter assertion. Did it never suggest itself to this writer that
African tribes, especially the wandering and commercial, often change their
customs, and that what was the fashion in 1832 is not so in 1859 ? Thus the
Wanyika, behind Mombasah, gave up tattooing after the missionaries had lived
amongst them for some years, and used to say, “ Why should we spoil our skins?”
I fear, however, that this is an amount of progress not to lie expected from the
-obstinate advocate of the Central- African “Sea,”

t A common bit of hoop-iron is generally used : the enamel must be removed
by it from the sides of the teeth, but decay does not follow.

t Meaning that they have no God. All anthropologists are agreed upon this
peculiarity of the Kafir race. So in the tongue spoken about 'Tete, and under-
stood by the Maraves and Chdrvas, “ Murungo,” the word generally translated
“God,” means thunder: Dr. Krapf (‘Travels,’ p. 168) gives the same signi-
fication to the Mulungu of the Wanyika race. So Dr. Livingstone (‘ Second
Expedition,’ chap, xxiii.) makes the people confound God and thunder in
Morungo.”

§ Monteiro and Gamitto (‘O Muata Cazembe,’ pp. 7 and 91) tell us that
Milando means a debt, an obligation contracted but not satisfied, a theft, a
murder, a “ pleito ” or question, e. g., “ Milando do Pombo,” a piooess on account of
adultery. The word appears to lie the South African “ Molatu,” as given by Dr.
Livingstone, chap, xviii. — “ I have no guilt or blame (Molatu,'. ’

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46J

DE LACERDA’S LETTER AND INFORMATION

my belief, that black men took three months and whites a little
less. They also mentioned the Lucuale River, which, according
to some maps, is an influent of the Cuansa (Coanza).

Gon9alo Caetano Pereira, knowing my wish to cross Africa,
offered me his escort. I accepted it willingly, as he is the only
trustworthy person ; and, in the hope of promoting the work
with which Her Majesty has honoured me, I made him Capitao-
Mor of the Bush (Mixonga). He thanked me thus — “If your
Excellency desires to visit Angola, you need not trouble your-
self with these questions and with writing down answers : cross
the Zambeze, trust yourself to me, and I will see you to the end
of your journey, at my own expense if I could afford it.” Such
is the good effect of a measure wliich costs nothing but care to
employ it at the right time. The Africans and the Americans
would do good service to Her 3Iajesty, if their rulers would
bestow honours upon those deserving, and not disgust the people-
by selling them to the worthless.*

Before arriving at Tete, and examining these people, my
intention was to set out from Zumbo, our westernmost settle-
ment. I soon found that in Quilimane and Sena, as at
Mozambique, people knew nothing of what had happened since
1793, and that their information could not be relied upon.f
Therefore, I did not bring from Mozambique certain necessaries,
such as white soldiers, good ammunition, arms, and similar
supplies, of which nothing but the worst is here procurable. J
(Signed) D. Francisco Jos^ Maria

Tete, March 22, 1798. DE LaCERDA E AlMEIDA. '

* TlicBC are memorable words, coming from a Brazilian.

t Tho same proved to be the case at Zanzibar : what these affirmed of the
interior those denied ; many misled me through ignorance, some for their own
interests.

X The following is the official Act : —

“ On February 27th, 1798, in this town of Tete, at the house and in the
presence of His Excellency the Governor of the Province (Bios de Sena), Dr.
Francisco Jose' Maria de Lacerda e Almeida, and all the citizens and inhabitant
of the same town, appeared tho Envoys of the King Cazembe, to salute His
Excellency the said Governor on the part of his master, and to offer friendship
and trade to him and to them. On his side he promised that, in case of the road
being stopped, or of merchants being plundered by any neighbouring chief on the
way, his lord the King would send a force to clear it, we also sending our forces ;
that the Portuguese would be allowed to build a settlement, and to plant manioe
near the Arangoa River, and that they should not send their goods one at a time
but all together. [In fact, to form a caravan was a desideratum in East Africa.]
This proposal was unanunously accepted, and a resolution was passed that the
inhabitants would be guided by His Excellency the Governor, who took so lively
an interest in the public good. Having thus agreed, they bound themselves in
a bond before me the writer and signer of this instrument.

(Signed) “ Josi Sebastiao d’Athaidk,

“Public Notary.”

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ON THE PROPOSED “CAZEMBE EXPEDITION.’

Section III.

Depotition of the Bandasio * of the Cazembe, sent bp his Mambo or liege lord,
and then lodged in the house of Dionizio Bebello Curvo.

The above declares that, when sent by the Mambo Cazembe
his master to the Kinglet (regulo) Muropoe,f during three
months’ march, he crossed in small canoes four streams like this
(southern) Zambeze. The first was the Koapura,t the second
was the 3Iufira,§ the third was the Guarava,|| and the fourth
was the Eofoi.lf In this distance, where the land belongs to the
Varunda nation,** there are but four settlements, one on each

Here follow the signatures of those present, twenty-four names : —

Jose' Sebastiao d’ Athaido (writer and I
signer of the document). 1

Dionizio de Araujo Bragan^a. I

Jose Luiz de Menezes. |

Manoel Jose Cardoso. i

Pascoal Jos^ Bodrigues. ,

Placido Jose' Bebello. I

Joaquim Jose d’ Oliveira.

Jo5o de Sousa.

Victorino Jose' Gomes de Araujo.

JostS Francisco de Araujo.

Jo§o da Cunha Pereira.

Ignacio Gomes dos Santos.

Sebastian Beduzinho Masearenhos.

Luiz Nunes de Andrade.

Jose Luiz Bodrigues.

Gaetano Bonedicto Lobo.

JoSo Joacpiim de Mattos.

Leandro Jose' de Aragao.

Dionizio Bebello Curve.

Joao Baptista Octaviano dos Reis
Moreira.

Manoel Antonio de Sousa.

Gon9alo Cactano Pereira,

Nicoluo Paseoal da Cruz, and
Sebastiao de Moraes e Almeida.

Monteiro and Gamitto (p. 14) explain “ Bandazo ” to be a domestic slave,
t This is the usual African stylo of exalting the master at the expense oL
truth.

J This stream has been before alluded to, under the name of Lnapula. It was
found by Dr. Livingstone to connect the Bangweolo, or Bemba, with the Mocro
Lake.

§ AU African rivers have half-a-dozen names. We must, therefore, not be sur-
prised if we do not find these words in other travels. The only check upon
this march is that made by the two Pombeiroa, sent in 1802 by Sr. Francisco
Honorato da Costa. The Mufira, alias Bufira, Luvira, or “ Luvivi," is a stream
12 fathoms wide, and laid down as an affluent of the Buapura or Lnapula, crossed
by Pedro Joao Baptista on the 55th day. According to Mr. Cooley, it is the
great river Luviri, called by the Arabs Lufira, which flows into the Lnapula about
100 miles S.W. or S.S.W. from the City of the Cazembe. Dr. Livingstone first
throws it into the Tanganyika Lake ; he now makes it rise, under the name of
Luviri, on the western watershed of Conda Irugo, to the south of which is Lake
Bangweolo : it thus takes the name of Lufira (Bartle Frere’s ‘ Lualaba ’) and
falls into Lake Ulenge, or Kamalondo.

II This Guarava is evidently an influent of the great Lulua, or Lualaha, a stream
50 fathoms wide, and formerly laid down as one of the head waters of the Leeambyo
or Upper Zambeze. It was crossed by Pedro on the 41st day of his march, and
he found a large settlement there.

^ The Rofoi must be another eastern feeder of the Great Lulua or Lualaba.
We find in Dr. Livingstone’s last labours a Bopoeji influent, crossed by the
Pombeiros.

** Pedro calls these people Viajantes Arundas and Viajantes da Alundas.
Bowdich terms them the nation of the Varoondas. Mr. Cooley, with extreme error,
explains, by the Congo languages, Alunda or Arunda — elsewhere he tells us
that the Alunda never pronounce the letter B — to mean mountaineers or bushmon.
It is clearly Alunda, Balunda, or Walunda, according to dialect, the great nation

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48 DE LACERDA’S LETTER AND INFORMATION

river ; and the people live on milho burro, maize (Zea Mays) and
manioc. From the lands of the Maropoe to those of the Muene-
puto (a chief so called from the Portugese), either on the east
or on the west, it is one month’s journey, and whites (Muzengos)*
come up with their slaves to purchase ivory and captives. The
sea is large and salt, and from the sun-dried water they derive
the salt brought for their Mambo.t On the other side of this
■sea-arm also appear large masted vessels, and houses as big as
ours. The further bank of the river (Zaire or Congo) is occupied
by the Congo kinglet, t a neighbour of the whites. Whatever
cloth he receives from them annually he divides with the
■said Mueneputo and the Muropoe.

And the deponent further states that, after leaving the
Cazembe’s country en route for Tete, he passed the first night
at the village of Muenepanda. After travelling through an
uninhabited country and canoeing across the Euena River,§ he
spent the second night at Caunda, and the third day’s journey
brought him to the house of Maruvo. The next stages were
Capangara, fourth day ; the bank of the Mamuquendaxinto
^Mamukwend-ashinto or -achinto) stream or streamlet, fifth
day; Chydeira-mujepo, sixth; Chipaco, seventh; Chinheme-
apes, eighth; the bank of the Eoarro Grande, || a river which
he crossed in a canoe, ninth; the Zambeze Grande (River
Chambeze), also requiring a ferry, tenth ; Mugruve, eleventh ;
Camango, twelfth ; Xiara (Shiy4r4), thirteenth ; Caramuga,
fourteenth; Macatupa, fifteenth; Parusoca, sixteenth. He
passed the night of the seventeenth on the bank of the Ruanga

ruled over by tlie Muatd ya Nvo : hence Lnnda (Mr. Cooley’s Eoonda), the city of
the Cazembe. (See Dr. Livingstone's first map.)

* Muzungo is the Mundele, or Mondele, of the Congo, hence Dr. Livingstone’s
“ Babindcle, or Portuguese " (‘ First Expedition,’ chap. xix.). That traveller
uses “Bazunga” for Portuguese, and mistakes it for “half-castes;” whilst he
calls Englishmen Makua (sing. Lekda). Muzungu is the general East African
name for a white man, Uzungu being the land of the white man. Mr. Cooley

Inner Africa Laid Open,’ p. 35) explains Muzungu to mean “ properly, wise
men at Zanzibar I liave heard this derivation. Dr. Livingstone (‘ Second
Expedition,’ xvi. p. 331) takes it from “ zunga,” to visit or wander, perhaps a
little too fanciful.

t Many African tribes (e. q., the Bube of Fernando Po) hold salt to bo a bad
substitute for salt water. I have seen sea-water drunk even in the Cape 'Verde
Islands.

t The great and powerful Manicongo (Lord of Congo) was certainly not tribu-
tary to the Muropiie ; nor have his smaller successors ever been dependent upon
the latter.

§ Luena, or Buena, appears to be a general term for river in that part of
Africa. This one is the Luena of Monteiro and Gamitto. Mr. Eavenstein writes
Euena and causes it to fall into the Liiapula. Dr. Livingstone’s first map makes
it a widening of the river south-west of the Cazeinbe’s city. His last journey
makes it an eastern influent of the Luapula.

II Probably the Euanceze of Monteiro and Gamitto, a northern influent of the
Chambeze.

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ON THE PROPOSED “ CAZEMBE EXPEDITION.” 49

^Northern Arangda) River, which is also passed by boats.
During these days his only food was raw millet and beans of
sorts. At the Ruanga River ends the nation of the Vaviza
(Muizas) and begins tfiat of the Marave.* * * §

Through the Marave country the stages are. 1, Capangara ;
2, Ruminda ; 3, Mazanba ; 4, the Jungle ; 5, Chenene ; 6, In-
haruanga ; 7, Caperimera (this is also found in Monteiro and
Gamitto) ; 8, the Jungle ; 9, the Sansa River (Sanhara of
Monteiro and Gamitto?); 10, Mucanda; 11, Pasnicheiro;
] 2, the Bua rivulet, crossed on tree-trunk rafts ; 13, the settle-
ment of Caraore ; 14, the Roveu River, t also passed on tree-
trunks; and 15, the Bar de Java (Jaua) where the Portuguese
work gold.J

(Signed) Dionizio Rebello Cravo.

Tete, March 12, 1798. Public Notary.

Deposition of a Muiza Caffre, touching Ute Roads to Angcda.

From Tete to the Arangoa River the people are Maraves, and
hostile to us. From that stream to the Cazembe’s country live
his subjects the Muizas. It is a march of two moons thence to
the lands of his father Morop6e, through a country mostly waste.
Settlements are not found, except on the banks of four distant
rivers, which are crossed in canoes, there kept for ferrying pur-
poses. From the Maropde, after one moon and a half, we strike
Angola, at a cove or bay, where are ships larger than the
largest houses of white men here The most inland nation is the
Cabinda : § it reaches as far as the Muropde and the Cazembe,
who, when they want slaves, attack it, and send the captives to
Angola, p

(Signed) Sebastiao db Moraes e Almeida.

Tete, March 10, 1798.

P.S. — It is probable that this Caflfre speaks the truth. When

* The native thus ncknowleds^es only two trihos, north the Muizas and south
the Maraves. Monteiro and Gamitto (chap, iv.), insert between them the
Che'vas (Slicvas) and the Muembas. Mr. Cooley makes Anshova (plural of
M’sheva) to mean “ the strangers or foreigners.”

t Probably the Ruia River of our modem maps, which receives tlie Aruangoa,
and which falls into the Zambeze at the Kebrabassa Rapids.

J In the text “ e <? Bar em que unga on minera a nossa gente.” “ Bar ” moans a
gold-washing place. Dr. Livingstone First Expedition,’ chap, xxxi.) says “ when
many masters united at one spot it was called a ‘ Bara.’ ”

§ The Cabindas of the Coast asssured me that they extend but a short way into
the interior. But there may bo two “ Cabindas.” In the Brazil we find a tribe
called “ Cabundas,” who are probably Angolese. Dr. Livingstone (‘ First Ex-
pedition,’ chap, xix.) mentions a place called Cabinda, near Golungo Alto.

II Our first ocular information touching these countries was given by Pedro
the Pombeiro, who travelled in 1806, and who returned to Angola about 181J.
This is sixteen years after the date of the above documents.

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DE LACERDA’S INSTRUCTIONS TO

asked if he knew the name of any stream in or near Angola, he-
replied that there was a river called (Coanza) Quanza.

(Signed) Dr. Francisco Josfi Maria de Lacerda
Tete, March 19, 1798. E AlMEIDA.

Section IV.

Instructions issued to the Menibers (f the C'azembe Expedition bp the Governor
of the Rios de Sena, Dr. Francisco Jose Maria de Lacerda e Almeida.

Her Most Faithful Majesty — whom God reserve! — in her
Eoyal Letter of March 12, 1797, commanded me to ascertain
without delay if Central Africa contains any mountains capable
of sending forth the Cunene Eiver, which falls into the Atlantic
a little below Cabo Negro. I am also ordered to see whether
a short and easy communication for commerce between Portugal
overland to these Eios de Sena be possible: to report con-
cerning the advantages of the country and the industry of the

S les, and especidly to seek the means of bringing these
3ls into the bosom of the Church — the principal motive
which urged Her Most Faithful Majesty to so costly an under-
taking. I now proceed to execute these orders. And as, in
case of any accident happening to me, the Expedition might,
to the detriment of the service, be broken up for want of
instructions, I issue these directions, holding every one respon-
sible for their being obeyed : —

1. The senior superior oflScer will command ; but when
counsel is needed, all the members will assemble, and each will
be heard.

2. An account will be written daily, after each march,
recording and describing all adventures and occurrences; the
quality of the soil, productions, mines and villages ; the manners
and customs of the people ; the breadth, depth, and direction of
the rivers, relative to one travelling from these parts ; the fittest
articles for barter ; and, finally, everything seen, even though
it appear trivial — diffusiveness being preferable to over con-
ciseness.

3. Arrived at the (lower) Aruangoa Eiver, the party will
select a proper site* for the settlement desired by the Cazembe,
and will carefully note the advantages to be derived by it from

• In 1824 a colony was founded at this unpropitious spot, by Ckilonel Jose
Francisco Alves Barbosa, Governor of the Bios de Sena. The land was bought
from the Mambo Muisse, and in 1827 a small force of soldiers was sent there.
These were withdrawn after two years, and tho colony was allowed to go to ruin.
We can hardly, therefore, say that tho Portuguese liayo not explored these parts,
which arc about on a pamllol with tho northern part of the Nyassa Lake.

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THE MEMBERS OF THE CAZEMBE EXPEDITION.

trading with the Muiza tribe which there begins. The Lieutenant
of Sena, Jose Vicente Pereira, will descend that river in the
best canoe procurable, to trade with the Caffres. He will keep
a journal, like that recommended in No. 2, and he will avoid dis-
embarking at populous places, lest he be insulted by the barba-
rians, of whose dispositions we are not ignorant, and lest we lose
the results of a valuable discovery. He must register all such
important information as the number of days spent in making
Zumbo, and the approximative total of leagues from his point
of departure to the end of the voyage whence he will regain his
post. His Diary will be forwarded to the Commandant of Tete,
who will transmit it to the Governor of the Province, and
supply a copy to his Excellency the Governor-General of
Mozambique. It must also be shown and another copy must be
supplied to the chief Captain of Zumbo. It is not supposed that
he will require to purchf^ provisions, as a few days will probably
place him at our colony of Zumbo ; but should he want any-
thing, he must put on shore two or three Caffres to buy neces-
saries in the villages, and be careful on no account to land. If
the river called by the Muizas “Zambeze,” prove navigable
during the dry season, and flow to the right of one marching
towards the country of the Cazembe (f. e., from north-west to
south-east), the party would do well to descend it; and in so
doing they will pay due regard to all the directions given above,
and register whatever occurs to them as likely to benefit the
Royal service. That river is, they say, the Shire, or a branch of
it which falls into our (t. e., the southern) Zambeze a little
below Sena. If not, it must be the stream which discharges
itself into the ocean a little north of Quilimane. From that
point he will transmit to the Commandant and to the Governor-
General a copy of his Diary, together with all the information
which he may have collected touching the transport of such
goods as are procurable amongst the Muizas and in the African
interior.

4. Should the said Zambeze prove to be not navigable, the
lieutenant will send his Journal when he reaches the river upon
whose banks is founded the city of the Cazembe. This, the
Muizas assert flows to the right (south-east) and receives their
Zambeze.

5. But, if the said river of the Cazembe flow to the left
(south-westward), and if it may possibly be the Cunene or
another and a branch stream, then Captain JoSo da Cunha
and the pilot Bernardino shall descend it with the compass and
sextant. Crown property. They will learn the use of these
instruments on the march, and they must trace the river
according to the method taught to them. They will keep a

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DE LACERDA’S INSTRUCTIONS TO

detailed Diary, noting the number of leagues daily navigated ;
the respective distances of Caffre villages on its banks, and
whether the natives know of the Portuguese or any other white
nation. In so doing they will take every precaution against
being insulted. Arrived at the mouth of the river, they will
observe what sized vessels it can admit; they will sound the
bar, survey the channels, prospect the port establishment, and
take the latitude with other necessaries, remembering that Cape
Negro is in S. lat. 1G° 8'.

6. Having examined the river mouth, they will await favour-
able weather for running up the coast, as far as Benguela, in
rafts or in any craft that may be procurable ; a voyage which
may be accomplished in two or three days. Thence they will
pass to Angola, and report their good service to His Excel-
lency the Governor-General of that province, who will doubtless
lay the names of the Captain and the Pilot before Her Majesty.
Intelligence of the movements of the Expedition should ako be
sent by land to His Excellency. Should the two travellers be
unable to go up the coast by want of a vessel, they will return
by the same road ; and, after reaching the city of the Cazembe,
they will make a fuU report to His Excellency the Governor-
General of Angola, that Her Majesty may receive information
with the least delay.

7. They will perform- their land-marches under the safe-con-
duct of the country Caffres, who are said to be peaceful, and to
trade with the Portuguese. Their expenses will be paid by
what they take with them, and if that ne not suflScient, by the
Eoyal Treasury of Benguela or of Angola.

8. This undertaking being of the utmost importance, all
members of the Expedition are hereby ordered to lend it every
aid in their power, and will be held personally responsible,
should it fail hy any fault of theirs.

9. The chief sergeant, Pedro Xavier Velasco, and the Lieut.-
Colonel Pedro Nolasco Vieira de Araujo, shall also be despatched
to Angola. Thence the latter, being the fittest person, shall
proceed to Lisbon, and shall report to Her Majesty the details
ol' their journey from Tete to the country of the Cazembe, and
from that point to Angola. And I leave to His Excellency the
Governor-General of Angola the choice of sending to Portugal
with the said Velasco (Nolasco) the above-mentioned chief ser-
geant. One of them must return here with a full Diary.

10. But if the river in the Cazembe’s country flow to the
right, then the members of the Expedition will advance as
far as they please, and will cany out these orders by descend-
ing the first stream which flows to the left. The branch
expeditions concluded, the remainder will return to Tete, and

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THE MEMBERS OF THE CAZEMBE EXPEDITION. [-53

there report themselves to the Governor-General of Mozam-
bique.

11. The greatest care will be taken to economise Crown pro-
perty, and detailed accounts of receipts and disbursements are
to be laid before the Junta or Council.

12. The quantity of Crown cloth required for the return
march will be calculated, and the remainder will be bartered
for ivory. This, on arrival at Tete, must be handed over
to the Junta, which will determine what is to be done
with it.

13. They will enter into a friendly alliance with the Cazembe,
and settle and sign with him the terms of a commercial treaty
as favourable as possible to ourselves. They will repress all
disorderly conduct, robbery, and violence on the part of the
troops and the Caffres of the Expedition, lest they lose the
favour of the king, who might treat them as enemies, and pre-
vent their passing on to Angola.

14. The better to obtain leave to make this journey with the
necessary help, the king should be assured that our thus opening
communication by land or by the Cunene Kiver will be to his
benefit as well as to ours. His ivories must be sent for side to
those Eios (de Sena) where they fetch the highest prices. The
Western Coast will afford a better market for his copper, his
“ latSo,”* and his slaves.

15. The Expedition will act upon two well-defined principles.
Firstly, it is Her Majesty’s desire that an easy line of com-
munication should be traced between the two coasts, and the
best is, of course, via the rivers. Secondly, they must do their
utmost to discover, for the readier exploration of the interior,
some stream flowing from the Cazembe’s country into our
Zambeze, or falling into the sea between Mozambique and
Quilimane. And I expect from men who are ambitious of the
glory which must result from such a feat, that they will set the
best example to their inferiors, and will supply all deficiencies
found in my instructions. The land is a terra incognita, and
my experience in Mato-Grosso of the Brazil has taught me how
little reliable is information collected under such circumstances.
I, therefore, cannot trust to the depositions of Manoel Caetano
Pereira, who thought of nothing but of his trade.

16. In the various councils of the Expedition the members
will commit to writing the orders which I leave them, the
difficulties which may prevent these orders being executed, and
the reasons of those who are of different opinion ; so that, after
the papers shall have been placed before Her Majesty, merit

* Thii word baa before been explained.

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DE LACERDA’S INSTRUCTIONS, &c.

may be rewarded, and disobedience, cowardice, and remissness
may be punished as they deserve.

And, as it may happen that I have not time to correct these
orders and instructions, I direct, in the name of Her Most Faith-
ful Majesty, that this rough draught he held valid.

(Signed) Db. Francisco Jos6 Maria de Lacebda
JW e, Junt 18, 1798. E AlmEIDA.

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( 55 )

CHAPTEK I.

The Depabtcrb — The Tbavkllbbs Beach the Lupata da Jada.

“Dirige, Domine Deus meus, in consixictu tuo viam meam.” “Ut cognos-
camus in terra viam, in omnibus gentibus salutare tuam.”

Psalms v. 9 ; lvi. 3 .

On March 12, 1797, Her. Most Faithful Majesty — ^whom God
defend! — having commanded me to ascertain the possibility
•of overland transit between the eastern and the western coasts
of Africa, I sought at Mozambique, Quilimane, Sena, and Tete,
for information touching those hitherto untrodden lands. But
all was in vain. Those consulted concerning an enterorise not
yielding in importance to the discovery of Asia, only repre-
sented to me its impossibility ; their reasons were those of men
who choose the Koyal service rather as a profession that pays
tlian of men who love glory, and who would be useful to the State.
1 had resolved, in the present year, to visit Maniqa (Manisa),*
as the Crown had ordered, and then to make Zumbo our
westernmost settlement, where possibly satisfactory notices con-
cerning the best and safest route could be procured. This
failing, I should next year have pushed on to the interior with
good guides, and by the shortest paths, making astronomical
observations, and thus I should have done my best to carry
•out the Royal commands, either pacifically or, if necessary,
by other means.

But Providence smiled upon the righteous and benevolent
intentions of our august Sovereign. Tliirty-three days after
my arrival at Tete, I was visited by certain envoys from the Court
of the King Cazembe in the distant interior, one Chinimbu
•(Chinhimba), a Muiza, and the other Catara of the same race as
the Cazembe, namely the Arunda.t I took down their deposi-
tions, and they are given above, together with those of a native

♦ A country lying to the N.W. of Sofala. Dr. Livingstone erroneously writes
it Manica (Manika), and in his ‘ First Expedition ’ informs us that it lies
three days N.W. of the Gorongozo Mountains, and that it is the richets gold
country known in Eastern Africa. At Sofala, its nearest point, pieces of wrought
gold have been dug up (they say) near the fort and in the gardens. Hence it has
been identified with the ancient Ophir — a point, however, upon which opinions
greatly differ. The “ Ophir literature ” would fill volumes ; and we have not yet
heard the last of ‘‘ Gold in South Africa.”
t Vulgarly Lunda; the word has been discussed in the preceding pages.

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JOURNAL OF DR. DB LACERDA.

Chap. I.

of these parts (the Eios de Sena), and what I could obtain from
other strange Caffres who were lodged in the houses at Tete.*

Short was the time for organising an expedition, or for finding
good porters, trustworthy soldiers, ammunition, and country-
money, Cafire cloth (fato Cafral), beads, and other necessaries
yet I resolved at once, and at all risks, to carry out the Koval
orders. In one point I was fortunate ; three or four hundred
Caffres were expected at Tete, some composing the escort of
Chinimbu and Catara, others bringing their own ivories, and
others carrying tusks presented to certain Portuguese inhabitants-
of the town.

On March 10th and 12th, I wrote officially to the factory and
commandants of Sena and Quilimane, directing them to pur-
chase from the resident merchants all that could not be ob-
tained at our ill-provided factories in Tete. I offered to repay the
loan in kind by drafts upon the Eoyal treasury at Mozambique..
They refused, however, and nothing was to be done without
compulsion, a proceeding of which the Crown could not have
approved. The Colonel of Manila (Manisa) Militia, Jeronymo
Pereira, who passes for the most respectable man at Sena, proved
himself a knave, not only by taking exorbitant prices for his
cloth, but also by supplying this primary necessary in Caffre
travel of so wretched a quality that it was well-nigh useless.t
Certain capotins,t sent from the Sena factory, were equally bad,
and of 410 only 175 bore the Eoyal mark. Those whom I con-
sulted assured me that, when cloth for the Treasury is bought at
auction from the lowest bidder, the sellers send in superior
samples and make the bad pay for the over-good.

As time pressed, and I could not procure the necessary cloths
and Ardeans,§ I resolved to punish the knavery of Jeronymo
Pereira by directing the Factor of Sena to take from his ware-
houses the best cloth, to be repaid in kind from Mozambique.
I also warned him that he himself should be at the expense of
sending back his vile stuffs to Tete.

Although, however, the supplies from Sena and Quilimane
were repeatedly ordered up in time for me to set out about

• Often written Tetto. Dr. Livingstone prefers Tette, and explains the word
(‘ Second Expedition,’ chap, xxiv.) to mean “ a plsice where the water rushes over
rocks,” in fact, the Brazilian “ Cachoeira.”

t A footnote informs us that a complaint against this man was written ; but that
this document with two other papers, besides a map and a second diary, were
lost.

I The Capotim, according to Monteiro and Gamitto, is a blue stuff, valued when
good. Dr. Kirk infoi-ms me that it is ‘‘ two fathoms, a common measure among
natives in their bargains." Dr. Livingstone (‘ Second Expedition,’ p. 37) says that
two yards of cloth, the fathom, were once worth sixpence.

§ A blue stuff like “ Znarte," but differing in size.

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Chap. I.

rilEPAlIATTONS FOR THE JOURNEY.

May 25tb, they were delayed by the nVer-floods, by the loiter-
ing of the unsuperintended Caffres, by the indolence of the
whites, and by other hindrances. Doubtless, my outfit would
have been cheaper if brought from Mozambique, and I should,
if allowed to go there, have found better soldiers than Caffre
porters, who are more used to the bow tlian to the gun. But
this would have involved a delay of two years, before transport
could have been sent down to me by the Cazembe ; whereas, my
orders were to set out at once after arrival.

I assured myself that the ivory formerly carried by the MujAo
(Wahiao) to Mozambique had greatly fallen off in quantity,
from being sent to Zamzimbar * (Zanzibar Island and coast) : and
as all or most of it comes from the Cazembe’s country, I
saw that it would be better for him if he sold it to us, not
to the Caffres. This could be done only by availing myself
at once of the king’s kind intentions, and by showing him that
we can afford to pay more than the natives, who give only a
little cloth, and that cut up ; whereas, as his message shows, he
wants “ whole cloth, as it comes from afar.”t

On the other hand, I saw that, despite the favourable ac-
counts of trade brought by Manoel Gaetano Pereira, our people
would do nothing to win the good opinion of the Cazembe ;
and this, too, at a time when we were about to visit him. I
knew that he, being suspicious, like other Caffres, would prefer
the certain to the uncertain, and still sell to the Mujao — a
practice which would injure us, if at any future time we wished
to trade with him. Moreover, a Moqambaz, or slave-factor of
D. Francisca Josefa de Moura e Menezes, who, after deliver-
ing a harangue from his mistress to the Cazembe, had reached
Tete on May 13th, informed me that he had found a good
market for buying ivory, copper, and slaves. I tlierefore
issued a proclamation, from which, as may be seen in Compen-
dium G,t nothing resulted.

I soon found myself in fresh difficulties. An exact muster
proved that, of the 300 or 400 Muizas, at most 100 were avail-

* Mr. Cooley, who appears to have read some of these papers, asserts —
“ In 1831 there were no trading routes to the Cazembe but those from the
West and South. There was no road Eastwards.” It was to close this Eastern
road that tx>th the Portuguese expeditions were made. “Mpoani, near the
Querimba Islands,” means the Zanzibar Coast, as Mr. Cooley might have
found had he taken the trouble to read my reports. This name also occurs under
the form of Impoano in Monteiro and Uamitto (p. 360), wlio, however, did not
quite understand the word.

t This was especially impressed upon me during my first visit to Dahorae.
Those who know the practices of the coast tribes acting ns “ middlemen ” cannot
wonder at it.

t These two documents arc lost — possibly stolen.

JOURNAL OF DR. DE LACERDA.

Chap. I.

able as porters, the others having died or disappeared, whilst
some refused to carry packs. The Sena Caft’res nad also fled
without a cause, and I expected those of Tete to follow their
bad example, because their masters were frightening them. As a
last resource, I made the owners responsible for their slaves.
There was no chance of my collecting more porters. The first
levy had been raised witli moderation and impartiality, yet,
though many of the masters owned more than 200 “ captives,” *
and some held valuable Crown lands, they thought much of letting
me have ten or fifteen, begging me to be content with fewer as
the men leave labour to the more industrious women.

In these straits, I had recourse to the heroine of these
lands, D. Francisca Josefa de Moura e Menezes, widow of two
officers who had held the captainship. Her boats, and other
possessions, are ever at the service of the Crown, and she takes
a pride in the Royal service. She replied that, to her legal
share of forty, she would add sixty, and retain only those abso-
lutely necessary ; also, that the negresses, who were her chief
stock, were scattered, and working at the mines of Maxinga,t
where I should pass, and where the rice for our journey was
stored.

As the sixty men did not appear, I asked U. Francisca if, in
case of need, I could use negresses ; she answered, that they
would serve me as well as, if not better than men.J Avail-
ing myself of the opportunity, I told her that if she could
supply the necessary number of negresses, it would be duly
reported as a great service to the Crown. This request the
lady granted with certain remarks, which must be reserved for
an especial report She at once despatched her freedmen
(Butougas) § with her negresses, and even her house attendants.

• A salvo for tlio conscience of Roman Catholics, who never bought slaves, hut
ransomed i)risonors of war. Protestants have until lately found gold the best
salve. It must be noted that the levies in the text were legal from persons
holding Crown property, the “ captives" being required for the public service.

t Serra Maxinga (Mashinga), five short marches N.N.E. of Tete. Mouteiro
and Gamitto do not explain the word. Mr. Cooley (loc. cit.. 43) says “ Machinga
means ‘ the lash ' an appropriate name for “a slave depot.” But it was not a
slave depot ; and, firstly, the name is Mashinga, not Macliinga. Secondly, Maoli-
iuga does not belong to the tongues of the Eastern Coast (in Kisawahili it is un-
intelligible), but to the Western or Congo branch. The negroes in Brazil still
threaten one another with " Machinga no llatako,” — f.e., fustigation on the seat of
honour.

X The Donna was quite right, as I recorded in ‘ First Footsteps in East
Africa.’

§ Negroes who live on, and work in, Crown property. The Butonga are pro-
bably some conquered nation; tho boatmen on the Ijowor Zambeze use Boioro and
Batonga to express north and south. The lioldcrs of “prazos” are generally
■called “ Colonos" or tributary native landholders, who do all tho cultivation, and
who pay rout in kind.

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Chap. I.

THE DEPARTURE.

to distribute amongst the sixty Cafires and their wives, the rice
and the loads lying at Tete.

The Journey.

July 3, 1798. — Fearing delay from other troubles, I set out
for Nhaufa Fatiola, an estate lying north of the Zambeze River,
and distant about three-quarters of a league from Tete ; where
we had been stationed since the end of June. Our general
direction lay north, through Sonte and Cube — Crown properties*
like Nhaufa — and through the estates of Caboamanga, Peqnizo,
Condo, and Chibanbo, to Mitondo, our nigh ting place.! Beyond
Sonte there is broken ground, and the path winds up narrow,
hill-girt valleys. Our day’s march lay through troublesome
thorns, and over lands left incult by want of hands, or by the
laziness of their owners ; the only clearings and signs of |X)pu-
lation were about the huts of the estates above alluded to.
The Caffre men rarely touch the ground, and their women sow
but little. Part of the crop goes to the lord of the manor,
part is made into their bread, a kind of dough (massa) like the
Angu, or porridge! of the Brazil, and the rest is brewed into
a beer (pombe), with which they intoxicate themselves, and of
which much is wasted in their funeral superstitions. I wondered
not a little at the universality of these death offerings, which
Captain Cook found in the islands lately discovered by him,
and which I myself observed amongst the Roman Catholic
“ Indians ” of the Spanish province of Moxos.§ It is likely that
this tribute to the departed || is the result of the fear of death
instinctive to the uncultivated, and is, in fact, a propitiatory
offering, for, as Pliny said, “ Timor fecit Deos.” This waste and
indolence explain the yearly famines to which the Caffres are
subject, even in fertile places.

Some porters deserted, kindly leaving upon the path their
packs, which were carried by the bearers of our hammocks

* The Prazo fatcosim (emphyteosis) is, iu Mozambique, land held on condition
of making certain improvements.

t These are names of estates often varying. Mitondo is doubtless the “ Ma-
tundo " belonging to D. Filippa Maria dc Moura Menezes, mentioned by Mon-
teiro and Gamitto.

t A stirabout made of Fuba (maize-meal), and much used by Brazilians. It is
the Ugali of Unyamwezi, where “sitting upon Pombe” is equally well known.

§ Or Mojos, west of the Rio Grande, one of the headwaters of the Great Bio
M^eira.

II The traveller speaks of Almas, in Portuguese souls or ghosts. His explana-
tion is sound and philosophical without the customary shallowness and tradition.
Dr. Livingstone (‘First Expedition,’ chap, xvii.) unconsciously explains the negro
belief when he says “ they appear tu imagine the souls to be always near the
place of sepulture.”

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JOURNAL OF DR. DE LACERDA.

Chap. I.

(Manxilas). Such flights are fatal to progress, and are the
worst of examples. I am iu constant dread of fresh cases being
reported to me.* * * § We could not reach the place where the
cooks had been ordered to await us on the second day ; conse-
quently our suppers and beds were such as the re^er may
imagine. This nad, however, one good effect ; it was well that
certain of the party, who were used to every comfort, should at
once see the giant’s finger, so as not to find the figure, when it
might chance to appear, over-gigantic.

July ith . — We were thrown into confusion by the sudden
flight of more than thirty bearers, who left Crown property
to be plundered.t Upwards of twenty belonged to D. Paulina
Anna de Sousa Bragan^a.J This lady, when her quotum had
been fixed, showed herself so recalcitrant, that I had sent the
Reverend Father Francisco Jo3o Pinto, then staying with his
brother, the Commandant of Tete, to declare, in verho meerdotis,
my unwillingness to punish her, but my determination to carry
out the Royal command. D. Paulina yielded, but with delay
and bad grace. This desertion, which seems to be an old prac-
tice amongst the Caflfres attached to Crown property, compelled
me to go a little more than a league further on to “ Inhacen-
geira,” where the Expedition was expecting me. Thereon I sent
Captain Joilo da Cunha Pereira to Pequizo, where D. Paulina
was living, with directions to show that I had ordered the
Factor of Tete to sell her lands by public auction, if the
twenty fugitives were not forthcoming. I sent the same order
about a man who had not supplied his share of four slaves.
“ Inhacengeira ” is the last of the Crown lands to the north
of the Zambeze River, and here we enter the Marave tribe.
The valleys are rich, and the occupant (foreiro) § might, with
industry, which, however, he wholly wante, make it one of the
richest establishments near Tete.

bth . — As sailora in a terrible storm throw cargo overboard
to lighten the ship, so we reduced our goods to the most
needful, I began reforms at the provisions, and divided our
salt amongst the soldiers and porters, reserving a little for
general use ; when it is finished we must do without it, as they
say “ hungrjf men want no mustard.” A box of tea was distri-

* There is no African explorer who will not feel the full force of this sentence,

t The traveller carried with him a trading outfit of about 6000 cruzados or
7001., partly Crown property and partly belonging to the Portuguese merchants of
Sena and Tete.

t Monteiro and Gamitto (p. 438) explain how it is that these estates called
“ Prazos da CorOa ” are held principally by women, and they justly term the thing
an “ lnstitui9&o pessima.”

§ One who pays a quit rent to the Crown.

Chap. I.

THE LANDS OF THE MARAVE.

buted to the oflScera, also a case of spirits : I remained without
any, as, despite the cold weather, I cannot touch strong liquor.
Besides other things, two kegs and a large pot of vinegar re-
mained behind — acids disorder the stomach, and roast meat
is meetest for health.* * * § Seeing my party downhearted, I re-
presented to them the honour and glory of our undertaking,
and concluded by saying that anyone who liked, might return
home. They then recovered some spirit; but only four
members of the Expedition betrayed no weakness, namely, the
chaplain, the chief-serjeant, Pedro Xavier Velasco, the lieu-
tenant-colonel of militia, Pedro Nolasco d’Araujo, and Antonio
Jose da Cruz, fort-lieutenant of Tete.

We spent the day “subsisting” the people; like a spirit
I was everywhere, working hard as an example to idlers. In
the evening the abandoned loads were brought up by the
Caflfres whom I had sent back. Lastly came the captain, with
a report that D. Paulina, terrified by my threats, had gone to
Tete, in order to send her negroes at once. We shall see the
result.

&th . — I spent a sleepless night, thinking of and fearing de-
sertion, and so it again came to pass — thirty-four more porters
fled. My foresight aud firmness prevented despair getting
the better of me. To the Caffre care-taker of the Crown property
I entrusted the least valuable objects which were to be brought
on by the slaves of D. Paulina and her brother — the proud
fool at Sena of whom I spoke in the other diary .| I left some
personal efiects, as justice should begin at home, and I looked
forward to reaching Maxinga. My firm resolution to push on,
despite the lateness of the season, calms my mind ana enables
me to endure these vexations, as the storm-tossed mariner
consoles himself with exaggerating the pleasures of the port.

Disgusted with the place, I marched on till we entered the
lands of the Marave,| our false friends and fast foes, whose only end
is to fieece us of cloth. We passed three little villages, where
the males, old and young, stood scattered, and without showing
fight ; but each armed with his bow and arrowa§ Caffres,
from their childhood, never even visit a neighbour without
these weapons. What a well-made, finely-limbed, graceful race
it is ! I was never tired of looking at them.

• This merriment is “ nae canny ” — of course it is the result of excitement.
The traveller was unwise to leave behind 8\tch “ medical comforts.” and to load
himself with cloth. But it is the error of almost all young African explorers,

t It was lost or rather stolen, because it reflected upon the people,

j Of this celebrated tribe it is here sufficient to remark that the name Marave
or Mnravi is properly the title of the numerous petty chiefs.

§ I have describe an exactly similar scene amongst the Wazaramo of East
Africa (‘ Lake Regions,’ vol. i. chap, iii, p. 71).

JOURNAL OF DR. DE LACERDA.

Chap. I.

Some elders came up to beg presents, — the tribute paid by-
Portuguese travellers, and which is regulated by the quantity
of goods and by the strength of the party. Thus little can
be gained by the poor beginner going to a distant but good
marKet ; he must, nolens volens, pay olackmail in cloth to a
swarm of Fumos, or district-chiefs,* for the reputed “ avanies "
(“ palavers,” Milandos) of their subjects.

The soil appears excellent ; it is a plain, or rather a prairie,
abounding in streams of the purest water, and from afar we
sight hills higher than those of Tete. Who would credit, with-
out seeing it,t that our colonists, having such fine lands, with
slaves and vassals (Mossenses) annually paying tribute of every-
thing, must yet, at the end of the year, buy grain from the
Maraves? Had it not been for this resource, and for the
supplies of Sena and its dependencies, Tete must have been
ruined by the famines general of late ; the Marave lands how-
ever, being cool and fresh, always produce something, even
when the rains are wanting.

But Tete appears an infant colony in almost everything.
It cannot even tan leather, and it ignores soap-boiling and
sugar-making. These articles we might supply to Mozambique,
instead of importing them from Goa. And they often fail, as
during this and the last year, when there was no leather even
for heel-pieces; the expense also greatly increases — so soap, whose
ordinary price is $8 to $10, has risen to $18 milreis fortes.J
Who would expect the sugar of Mozambique to come from Eio
de Janeiro and Batavia?

By way of shaming these people, I manufactured three
pounds of soap : the bad lime and ashes gave it a black colour ;
still, it washed as well as any other. I ^o made a little indigo.
As the year was very rainy, and sugar-cane is planted by them in
damp ground, it was necessary to defer, until late in the season, ex-

* Tlio word is properly written Mfumo.

t " Ver para crer " is an idiomatic Portuguese saying, mostly said with aa
Kirriire-penBee of Saint Thomas.

t Per arroba of 32 lbs. I presume. In Monteiro and Gamitto (p. 2) we find
that $40 000 milreis fortes (strong) are equal to $100 000 milreis fracos (weak) ;
the former therefore ( = 4s. 2d.) contains 2} of the latter, each equal to Is. 8d.
In 1852, by order of Government, $100 000 milreis (fortes) of Portugal were worth
$410 000 milreis fraooe of Mozambique. The latter currency was wholly abolished
by the home authorities in 1853, but it is not so easy to alter the customs of a
distant colony. Dr. Kirk inform^ me (1805) that the coins of Mozambique are
still of different value, at different times, in different places, and that in bis day
280 reis of the province were valued at 20 reis of Lisbon. Thus $1 400 provincial
would be equal to 100 reis (= one testSo = Cd.) at the capital. The Madeiran
milrer fraco is = 4s. 2d., and the milrei forte is 20 per cent. more. At Cape Verde
themilrei forto contains 225 reis, equal to 1000 fracos, and the dollar (4s. 2d.) passes
for 920 reis fortes.

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Chap. I.

STAY AT TETE.

tractingthe molasses (mela^o or melado), which is used forsweeten-
ing tea and coffee and for coarse confectionery, not eaten in public.
They boil down the juice until it assumes a certain thickness, in
little copper pots, having none larger ; and, after whipping it to
the consistency of sugar, they use it without other preparation.
Unable to remain at Tete whilst this stuff was being made, I
resolved to see what could be done with irrigated cane. The
season, however, was exceptionally wet, and when arrived at
Sonte, I found, to my astonishment, water flooding the fields.
Of four little loaves which I had manufactured, one only re-
tained a small quantity of coagulated sugar, almost all of which
escaped through the orifice of the loaf-mould. This remnant I
clayed, and had the pleasure of seeing that, although there was
not time enough for purifying the whole, it produced two finger-
breadths of g(X)d sugar.

These digressions are not unnecessary. Amidst the multi-
plicity of my engagements, many things run the risk of being
forgotten. The Crown, however, must see, not only that the
reports about Sena are greatly exaggerated, not to say false, but
also that the colony, if provided with able handicraftsmen, and
at a certain expenditure of money, will in time become valuable.

I posted sentinels, with orders to hail one another every five
minutas, and thus to scare away Marave thieves. The people
cannot be trusted, and mine must learn the duty. Were they
soldiers, our danger would be less; enough to say, that when
they were firing two volleys at Tete, my heart sank within me
— the greater part, dreading the recoil, remained with their
guns at full-cock, whilst the others did not know how to load.
Such is the state of the soldiery in these provinces, and the
oflScers are as good as the men.*

1th . — The porters set out at sunrise, I at 7.30 a.m. Half-
an-hour after noon, we awaited at a brook those who were
behind. Later in the day, the lieutenant came on, and reported
that all the porters had halted near a rivulet, distant three-
quarters of a league from this place, and that when ordered to
advance, they had flown to their inevitable bows and arrows. I
neither wondered at, nor cared for, the flight of five Caffres who,
shortly after starting, left their loads, including my clothes-box.
My mental anxiety is that, to-night, despite all our vigilance,
they will disappear in a body. In order to remedy this evil,
should it befall us, we must leave early for Maxinga, and thence
despatch the necessary aid.

• African travel repeats itself. This scene is a counterpart of one enacted by
the Baloch merunaries before our march from the Eaole village on the Zanzibar
coast.

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€4 JOURNAL OF DR. DE LACERDA. Chap. I.

To-day we passed only two small villages of Maraves. Others
are probably off the road, as I often saw men standing by the
wayside, and looking at us. According to the interpreter, they
were surprised to see me riding in a small palanquin, declaring
that the Bive, their king, though a great man, never travels in
a house, as they call my conveyance.

8th. — At 2.30 p.M. I reached the Maxinga estate,* at
the beginning of the valley ending with the Lupata (gorge).
Here the negresses of D. Francisca, and a few others belonging
to two Tete men, were digging for gold. My multitudinous
and ever-growing perplexities made me at once send all the
Caflfres who were found ready, to aid those left behind. Happily
they were not required ; and on the next day, the whole party
arrived safe. I chose out two hundred able-bodied women,
but, for reasons aforesaid, I could not visit the mines.!

10<A. — Despite my care to feed the Caflfres, who are not
supposed to fly from work or blows after meals, last night fifty-
two of them deserted. When thrown into bitterest perplexity
by the news, I was informed that thirty-seven more had fled.
Those who know my activi^ and zeal for the service of the
Crown will appreciate my affliction : yet they will do me the
justice to believe that I was resolved to push forward at all risk,
and never to return until absolutely necessary.

I sent forward the chief captain of the bush (Mixonga),
Gonqalo Caetauo Pereira, with as many Caflfres as could be
raised, to prevent the carriers deserting on the line of march,
which, however, many did during these three days. They walk
like cattle, but even in a more straggling way. The reinforce-
ments from Tete have not arrived ; the season advances. I
fear that fatigue and anxiety of body and mind will induce
sickness, so to-morrow we leave this place.

lAih . — “Qui confidit in Deo non confundetur,” saith the
Psalmist. As I was mounting my palanquin at 11 a.m. some
twenty-three Caflfres arrived with the loads left at “ Nhassen-
geira’’ (“Inhacengeira,” July 4th). I was as joyful as if they
had been twenty-tliree thousand. I sent with them our neces-
saries, reserving a few bearers for the loads abandoned by the
party of Gonqalo Gaetano Pereira. At one mile and a half
beyond Maxinga a faithful Caflfre slave of the chief captain was
waiting to inform me that in a neighbouring Marave village
lay thirty loads without porters. I sent there the Lieutenant

• The latitude of Maxinga aa laid down by the traveller is S. 15° 19' 15", about
the parallel of the Shirwa Lake. He gives the variation N.W. 22° 50' 40",

t This also alludes to some papers now lost. The negroes of this part <»f
Africa will not be looked at, during work, by any except the owner of the mine.
The stranger’s eye, they say, iiiakea the gold disappear.

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Chap. I.

THE MAXINGA ESTATE.

Antonio Jose da Cruz and the adjutant, with the few remaining
negroes ; and presently arrived the medicine-cliest, one of my
clothes-lx)xes, a little tin case, containing four flasks of coflee
and butter, and two canteens of wine, bought for my especial
use. I could here dilate, were time at my disposal, upon the
insolence of these slaves, who rely for impunity upon a multi-
tude of neighbouring chiefs, ever glad to receive them, however
numerous ; upon the easy flight to Crown lands, whose occupants
welcome them, and, finally, upon the mismanagement of the
Caflfre trade. None but a company, aided by good chiefs and
soldiers, can prevent these kinglets, especially those subject to
the Imperador,* from plundering and encouraging desertion.
But what manner of mau must the Governor of Tete be ? I
know him not. I can only say that he must be active, wise,
prudent, and gifted with all good qualities.

\5ih . — The Maraves came for their loads, but seeing my .

E osition they would not carry them till paid. After long
agghng, I gave to each a capotim (tw’o blue cottons), with the
chance of losing all by desertion that night; this, however, the
Cafire of Gonqalo Gaetano Pereira assures me they will not do.
Other Maraves being persuaded to join by these good terms, I
divided the remaining loads between them and the Tete Caflres,
of whom three had fled during the dark hours. Nothing now
remained but a box of crockery destined for the Cazembe, and
three arm-chairs, for which he had applied, a case of kitchen-
butter for immediate use, and a barrel of gunpowder. I did not
regret the loss of the latter, for, though bought by the Crown
at the highest price in Mozambique, it was not worth its

carriage.

Giving orders for these stores to be forwarded, I left Maxinga.
After marching two leagues, we arrived at the largest village
yet seen, and there I was surprised to find tlie people who had
been sent from our halting-place on the 12th instant The
soldiers declared that the Caflres had refused to advance, and

that on the same day, after marching only half a league, they
had insisted upon halting at the village, threatening the guard
with their aiTows if compelled to proceed. That was credible,
as the same had lately been done to the officers. Present
punishment would only frustrate my plans : it must be deferred
till after our return to Tete.

I cannot wonder at the porters, whose nature is such. As the
Caflres are the slave factors, whom their masters send to the
lands of these chiefs, and are here lords of their own liberty,
they march when they like, they carry many women at their

* Meaning the “ Unde, Imperador doe Maraves.”

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JOURNAL OF DR. DE LACERDA.

Chap. I.

employer’s expense, and finally they do as they please. I
summoned the head men of the porters (mucazambos),* and
harangued them, after which they promised more activity.
But a short experience has taught me that these men, of
vicious nature and uncurbed by Taw human or divine, make
and break their promises at the same moment. We shall see if
I am mistaken as to the result of my sermon.

16f/i. — The Maraves ran away, and, unluckily for them,
one was captured. This they say will be the source of quarrels
and of serious “ palavers” (milandos), as the father and relations
of the prisoner must turn against the runaways. Although all
are bom thieves, robbery amongst themselves is severely
punished, though I know not if a general plundering is held
to be a crime. Happily appeared other Maraves, who agreed
to receive their pay at Java (JAua).

At 8.30 A.M. 1 set out, when certain Maraves, standing by the
wayside to see our large party pass by, seized and carried off two
boys. The negresses screamed, my people rushed to the noise,
a soldier fired in the air, and tne two little negroes (here
called bichos^ t thus escaped captivity amongst the Caffres. I
halted at a village (Jaua) a little before coming to theLupata.J
This is the name of a place where the mountains almost meet,
forming a valley which we entered when arriving at Maxinga,
and which ends with the said mountains. The pTain near the
highlands is sufficiently fertile, and a large brook of excellent
water and smaller streams course through it. At the Liipata §
ends the district of the kinglet (regulo) Bive, subject to the
“ Unde,” or Marave Emperor. ||

* Sometimes written Mueazembos and Moazembos ; they are the serrile head-
men of slave parties, not to be confounded with the Mo 9 nmbazes (Mnssambazes)
or Fombeiros.

T- According to Monteiro and Qamitto (p. 14) a slave generaUy is called “ Bixo ”
(Bicho) — worm or beast, a word of general application ; I have heard it facetiously
said of a locomotive engine. Mulcque (fern. Muleca) is a slave-boy for the house.
'• Lndino ” (a dodger) is an old slave ; Burro (an ass) is a newly-caught or “ green ”
cliattel.

t Lupata is translated by Monteiro and Gamitto (p. 28) a “ col,” very im-
properly by Mr. Cooley a “ glen.” Do Codto (Deo. IX. chap. 2.3) says that tho
Lupata or Gorge of the Zamnezo River gave its name to the district. Dos Santos
(‘ Ethiopia Oriental,’ part 2, fol. 726) describes tho Zambeze rapids as being in
” the Lupata, where there are great ridges.” Cactan Charpy (‘ L'Histoire de
I’Ethiopiu Oricutale ’) mistranslate Dos Santos, and henco arose the epithet ” Groat
Spine of the World” (Espinhaq&o do Mundo). Botelho (‘Memoria,’ &c., p. 312)
tells us that “ Lupata touches tho skies, and is covered with perpetual snow.”
At last Dr. Livingstone visited it, and described it intelligibly : in his ‘ Second
Expedition ’ he called the northern continuation “ Kirk's Mountains.” The older
I’ortugueae may have prolonged it westward to the great and lofty Serra Muxinga.

§ There are several Lupatas in these hills, Matantora, Chindundo, and others.

11 Ilis village, wo are told by Monteiro and Gamitto (p. 53) is called “ Muzinda
a lindc." Probably of this tribe Dr. Livingstone (‘ Second Expedition,’ chap. ix. p.

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'Chap. L

KEACH THE LUPATA DA JAUA.

lltJi . — All the Caffres assembled and declared their intention
of spending the day in the large village ; such was the result of
my sermon. I told them that being ill we would halt at noon,
but the brutes were unmoved. Dread of their desertion made
me dissimulate, and the better to hide my displeasure I gave
them some beads (velorio) to buy beer. They were delighted,
whilst I, having noted the four most maggotty heads of the
party, took thought how best to repress and punish such
■disorders.

I gathered the opinions of sundry of my company, especially
■of Jose Rodrigues Caleja, who, by the by, had been represented
to me as a ready man, well versm in native habits. I blamed
their invariable answer to all my perplexities, “ We must do
what your honour orders us to do.” Finally, it was agreed to

S ut up with the porters’ insolence till one or two stages after
ava (Jdua), then seize their bows and arrows, and burn these
weapons in the presence of their tied-up owners, who would, if
properly guarded, march as I might direct.*

198) Bftys : “ Formerly all the Manganja were united under the government of their
great chief, Undi, whose empire extended from Lake Shirwa to the Biver Loangwa ;
but after Undfs death it fell to pieces, and a large portion of it on the Zambesi was
absorbed by their powerful southern neighbours the Banyai.” Mr. Cooley ex-
plains these “ Manganja,” who thus hold all the country north of the Zambeze
from the Shirwa to Zumbo, as “ obviously an ordinary variation of Mongaza, the
name given by the Jesuit missionaries to the hill-tribes called Mongozi. or Mon-
gayi, the Portuguese Mnnhac, rendered in the plural, by “ the Makololo ” and Dr.
Livingstone, “ Banyai.”

* I also had resolved to disarm my Baloch in the Mountains of Usagara, but
I was too much invalided to carry the thing into execution.

F 2

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( 68 )

CHAPTER II.

The March from the Lttpata da Jaua to the Northern
Aruanooa River.

July 18, 1798. — Being thus subject, for a time, to my porters,.
I left tlie village at 8 a.m. It was impossible, despite all com-
mands, to secure on the line of march order and readiness
enough to defend ourselves from the pilfering Maraves, who
carried off a black boy belonging to Lieutenant-Colonel Pedro-
Nola.‘co, and the load of a second, the property of a soldier.
My directions to fire at the legs of any negroes found stealing
were obeyed at length, but though the soldier missed — here no
new thing — the Marave dropped the load, together with his
bow and arrows. Leaving the village we made for the moun-
tain-chain on the East, which I named Cordilheira Marisana,
and that on the West, Joanina, in honour of our most august
Sovereign (D. Maria I.) and most serene prince (D. Joao), wliO’
created this expedition. When near the highlands, we skirted
them, travelling over the plain before mentioned.

19<A. — The Marave porters who had received hire refused to>
leave the village where we nighted, despite my threats of not pay-
ing the cloths which, according to agreement, they were to re-
ceive at Java (Jdua). I vainly sought substitutes, till, seeing that
none were procurable, and that we must either lose that day or
abandon necessaries, I resolved by contrivance to gain the cause
and to show them that we will not timidly endure the insults
which they heap upon the feeble traders. Seeing the sudden
action, all the villagers fled, but they stopped on hearing that
we ha<l no quarrel with them. The Fumo — however small the
village, it has always a chief so called — after viewing the
cloth for which I sent, the only rea.son which they understand,
prepared Maraves, who soon became too numerous. After
marching ihree-qu alters of a league, we entered alarge opening in
the Cormlheira Marisana, and, after a gentle ascent, we advanced
over the champaign ground between the ridges which, running
together, form a group of highlands, divided by fertile and
populous valleys.

We halted at the largest stream yet seen, and bearing the
name of Caruzissira. Here I heard news of a faction-fight
between the Caffres of D. Francisca and the few men of Captain

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iClIAP. II.

HALT ON THE CARUZISSIEA.

Joao da Cunha Pereira, fomented by this man of bad head and
worse tongue. The facts, as recounted to me by Caffre chiefs in
presence of the officers, were as follows : The Captain, passing
along the path, saw certain Caffres resting with their loads
grounded, as is the custom, and as they require to do : he
ordered them to proceed : they answered, tliat they would,
after the necesssary halt. Not satisfied, he struck them sundry
blows, and said, “ Get on, sots : this journey is the fault of your
mistress, who gave so many porters ; if you had run away like
the rest, the Governor must have stopped.” They added that
the Captain had twice or thrice so treated them without mji
knowledge ; that they had not fled, on account of their mistress’s
express orders, but that they must do so if such maltreatment
continued. They owned that they had come into collision with
the Cafire.s of the indiscreet Captain because, when raising their
bows to lessen the strength of his blows, his “ captives,” who
presently fled leaving their loads, had thought that the action
was done in opposition to their master.

If this be true, that Captain Joao da Cunha Pereira punished
the men for not deserting, there is little doubt that this bad
man, without compromising himself, had held out similar
inducements to his own followera, especially when, despite my
urgent want of hands, he proposed to send three of his Caffres
from Maxinga to Tete. It is certain that the Quartermaster
(o Furriel) of the little gang of porters who carried my small
palanquin, persuaded his men not to desert this morning, as they
had resolved to do in consequence of the Captain’s maltreat-
ment. I had heard a fair portion of his bad language, but I kept
silence, judging that it might be used with some good reason,
and I awaited the report upon the subject with which he ought
to have supplied me.

When Lieutenant-Colonel Pedro Nolasco and the other
officers who covered the rear-guard reached the place of the
fray, tliey found all D. Francisca’s Caffres, men and women,
gathered together, and ready to give up their loads before
returning to Tete. They declared unanimously that they could
no longer endure the Captain, adding an account of his rebuke
— I ought to say his advice — together with the orders given by
their mistress. The officers persuaded them to take up their
loads and to complain to her, who would hear their repre-
sentations. Thereupon I satisfied their headmen and them-
selves with good words and a few gifts. A sharp rebuke was
sent to the Captain who had caused the mutiny, and the affair
requiriu" further investigation, I shall see what more is to be
done. We ptissed a village called Murambalo, and all the soil
thereabouts appeared to me auriferous.

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JOURNAL OF DR. DE LACERDA.

Chap. II.

20tt. — My company was not the only one which had an affray i
that of the Chief Captain of the Bush (Mixonga), whom I met
at ten o’clock, came to blows with certain Maraves who had
attempted to plunder his people.

2\si . — We arriyed at Java.* About sunset an envoy of
Mussidansaro brought a message from his master that the
Maraves, having robbed a package of porcelain beads (velorio),
Crown property, which had been entrusted to them for trans-
port, his master would enter the robbers’ village, seize three of
them, and not release them till the plunder should be restored.
He added that he would carry off as much millet as he could, but
that the delay would not permit him to visit me at Java. This
prince Mussidansaro is a great knave: he came from the
Cazembe as a man of business to visit D. Francisca, whom, being
highly respected by blacks as well as whites, they call Chiponda,
that IS to say, “ the lady that treads all under her feet,” to beg
that she would send her son to the king. D. Francisca, availing
herself of this opportunity, requested her lord the Cazembe to
treat me as her son sent under his care, and to defend me from
all dangers.

The Amazons (women porters) being now weary and footsore,
I ordered Gonfalo Caetano Pereira — the scandal of the Tete
people, simply because he had supjilied me with Caffres — to
collect Marave porters for carrying the goods as far as the
Aruaugoa River, and then pass them on to the Muizas. As I
wanted many Maraves, we stayed in that place several days.

22nd. — To-day I have twice crossed the large Aruang6a River. t
In one place the water reaches the bend of the leg, in another
part, somewhat higher up, there is a bridge of canes (bamboos)
tied together. I already know in this part of Africa three
streams of that name : this is the first ; the second J is that
falling into the Zambeze near Zumbo, dividing the lands of the
Maraves and Muizas ; and the third is in the lands of the Baroe,
between Kona and Manipa.

The mines of Java, here called Bar,§ were discovered seven or
eight years ago by Gonjalo Caetano Pereira ; at present they

• In Dr. Livingstone’s ' Second Expedition,’ wo find GOe or Gova, which may
bo the same word (chap, xxvii.) In chap, xxxi., however, he mentions “Jawa”
(Jana).

t This is the Aruangoa-Piro or Jana of Monteiro and Gamitto, who make
it flow westward into the northern Am&ngoa-Possc (p. 31). “ Pire,” in the local
dialect, means a range of hills, a Serro, and the adjunct distinguishes the stream
from its northern fork, the .\rnangoa-Possc. The difference between the AruangOa-
Loangwa and the much smaller Arunngua River has already been noted.

J The first (northern Aruangda) is one of the hcadwatcra of the second.

§ I have before explained the meaning of Bar. The proprietor’s house is called
“ Luane.”

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Chap. II.

MINES OP JAVA,

are worked by the negresses of only one inhabitant of Tete,
and all these women fled to the bush, justly thinking that I might
require their services. These diggings might pay, but they are
despised because men ignore worlang them : all know that gold is
not always superficial, and that, when deep, considerable excava-
tions are necessary ; whereas the mining women of the Bios de
Sena, failing to find the metal on the surface, at once aban-
don the spot. They know absolutely nothing of the con-
ducting and the levelling of water, without whose aid gold will
not pay even in the best placeros. The want of blacksmiths is
another obstacle of the many that prevent efficient working. I
saw Cafifres in Maxinga baling up stagnant water with bas-
kets as closely made as possible: in this sort of “litus
arare ” business maiw negresses were employed. Knowing these
errors and defects, I have neither time to remedy them, nor,
if I had, would skilled officials be forthcoming. Such, however,
is the state of that Sena whose fame reaches the clouds.*

I passed the day in subsisting my people and in enduring
their importunate demands, which make this my purgatory.
Visiting in the evening the quarters of the Muizas, I thought
myself in a village of artisans. Each family or individual has
a hut of tree-boughs, and the air resounds with the blows of a
kind of club or wooden axe upon the slabs of bast, which they
convert into clothing, and with which they buy provisions from
the Maraves. The Tatter, on the other hand, have no manu-
factures, but occupy themselves solely in growing millet, sweet
potatoes, and large yams — the “ card ” of the Brazilt — and in
plundering passengers. Here the millet-stalk attains a height of
two fathoms, proving the fertility of the soil. During the famines
of Tete, the people tised to cume or send for provisions, with
great cost and toil, to this place, where, the valleys being fresh
and cool, want of rain-water has very little effect. There is also
a quantity of the Nhamudoro bean, which the Brazilians call
Guandu.t

23rd. — Until 7 p.m. the expected Marave party did not
appear, although I was informed that they were being collected.
About 150 are wanted, and if they fail us, it will be trouble-

• The traveller would have found the English Gold Coast quite ns backward as
Sena. The place is a mine of wealth, and yet I doubt whether a pound of mercury
or a cradle has ever been seen there. And in London ho would have met with
statesmen, even more unprogressive than the Gold Const men, who ore capable
of telling you that gold is becoming too common. Will posterity believe it ?
t The Cari (HeUairdhiu (uberotus), a favourite Brazilian vegetable,
t This is the Doll-plant of India, the “ Thilr” of Hindostan, the Turiyanof the
Arabs, the Mbarazi of the Wasawahili, and the “ Cojontts Indicut." See ‘ Journal
of the Boyal Geographical Society ’ (vol. 29, p. 400). It enters largely into the
dish called EUchhn'.

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JOURNAL OF DR. DE LACERDA.

Chap. II.

some. la such a case, only the negresses can extricate me, and
even then many loads must be left on the ground. The number
cannot be filled up with those working at the gold-washing, as
both sexes would fly to the bush.

The two Muizas, Chinimbu and Mussidansaro, took up
my time, and stunned me with their disputes, already reckon-
ing upon the honours and gifts of the king (Cazembe). They
wish to decide who shall conduct me to him. The former

f )leaded priority of claim as bearer of the royal message ; the
atter that he had been sent by the King to request a visit from
D. Francisca’s “ son,” in which category I was committed to
him. When made umpire, I pointed out Chinimbu and Catara
as the King’s envoys, they having first brought me a direct
message and having accompanied me as Manibo or great man.
On the other hand, I owned that Mussidansaro was carrying me
as a “son” of O. Francisca — as all held me to be, either
because I was inferior to her in reputation, or because I
had lodged in her house. And neither having any present
superiority, I told them that they must be friendly till we
should reach the King, when the weighty matter could be
decided. They wished to continue the dispute, but the spirit
and eloquence of a flask of strong waters were more convincing
than my reasons or the joint tongues of Cicero and Demosthe-
nes would have been.

24<A. — Knowing by short experience the habits of the
Maraves, 1 was aware that one of them receiving pay would
bring with him the whole village. The few, however, that
came, demanded, contrary to their practice with the Portu-
guese paupers who have passed this way, such exorbitant
wages, tnat I preferred to continue the journey as well as might
be witii the negresses. Almost all the wheaten flour was divided
amongst the soldiers and the remaining escort: we resolving
to rely, by way of bread, upon the Angu or country miUet-
dough. Cases of rum and brandy from Portugal, intended for
emergencies and as presents to the kinglets, the s^t,the remaining
vinegar and three cases of bacon, shared the same fate. He who
can eat without salt and vinegar, wants not bacon. In this
there is nothing strange, except to one who says, “ Deus mens
venter est ” : it is natural in one who eats to live, and who
does not live to eat. My proceeding was caused, not only by
the exorbitant demands of tlie Maraves, but by the certainty
that the Muizas, if not equally favoured, would revolt, and
with good reasons, as they had often done before in lesser
matters. They would have stacked their loads near the camp,
and they would have gone their ways — what could I do to them ?
Unable to punish even my slaves, I w'as obliged to submit.

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Chap. II.

HALT ON THE CHIGUMUNQUIRE.

267/j. — My sickness did not delay us. After resting for some
days, the start is ever slow ; the people become idle, and their
loads must be redistributed, as twenty-seven have fled from
Java. We crossed the ridge lying to our east and halted at the
small stream Chigumunqnire, where the messenger of a kinglet
ruling the lands beyond the stream came to beg from me a
little cloth. As Portuguese rarely pass this way, it is a much
esteemed article, to be obtained by any means, fair or foul.
Few possess any, and when they do it is old. They cover their
waists with tiger (leopard) skins, and having neither mines, nor
ivory, nor many slaves, and consequently little cloth, they think
of nothing but plundering the feeble traders, who fear their
numbers. Hence their arrogance, their pilfering, and robbery,
and the injury which they inflict upon themselves and others.*

27ik . — Tortured with the insatiable thirst and the intense cold
of the Sezao (a seasoning fever or fit of ague and fever) which
attacked me at 5 a.m., I set out three hours later. Nothing
more miserable than to have to do with men wanting common
sense like these Caffres, who are absolutely indiflerent to good
aud evil ; who feel oidy when they suffer, and who cannot allow
themselves to be persuaded. No reason will convince them
that, when possible, we should march together to baflfle enemies
and robbers, and that we should start early and travel farther,
lest the failure of the military chest leave us in woful want.t
Until they see me en route all hide in the bush.

I pushed on, by the officers’ advice, as far as they would go,
to some place where I could nurse my violent fever; when
about middav I halted, and was informed that the Maraves had
insulted, robbed, and maltreated the party. A violent headache
and abnormal prostration prevented my going back ; and, think-
ing the quarrel settled, I sent the sergeant-major of ordnance,
Jose Eociriguez Caleja, who pusillanimously went off with a bad
will. The force having as usual been distributed amongst the
party, I remained with my escort. At 4 p.m. our people arrived,
excepting the chief captain of the bush, Gon9alo Gaetano
Pereira, who remained in the Marave village with his folk
and the Muiza porters. I directed Lieut.-Colonel Pedro Nolasco,
who was present, to draw up a proe'es verbal, which was of the
following tenor : —

“ On ihe 27th instant (July) His Excellency the Governor,
according to habit, set out in tlie vanguard, accompanied by the

• “ O povo Marave passn por scr o mais ladrflo do foda esta parte da Africa.” —
See Monteiro and Oamitto, p. 2'i.

t I found things exactly the same when marching from the Zanzibar coast to
the Tanganyika Lake.

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JOURNAL OP DR. DE LACERDA.

Chap. IL

liev. Father Chaplain, the sergeant-major of ordnance, Jose
Rodriguez Caleja, and the fort-adjutant of the Fort of Sena,^
Jose Thomaz Gomes. They were followed by Gonpalo Caetano
Pereira, the chief captain of the bush, by Captain Joao da
Cunha, and after them came Pedro Xavier Velasco, the chief ser-
geant of militia, and the Lieutenants Antonio Jose da Cruz.
Manoel dos Santos e Silva, and Antonio Jose Pereira Sa-
lema.* The last-named, arriving at a Marave village, were
stopped by three Caffres, who, coming forward, attempted to
seize their cattle. The sergeant-major advancing to inquire
why this was done, the soldiers of the train replied that the
Maraves demanded pay, as the cattle had eaten some of their
millet. At the same time other Maraves assembled, and declared
that this was not the land of the wlute men (JIuzungos), that
the latter must pay for transit, and if not, that they would seize
the cattle whicn had eaten their grain. The chief sergeant
replied that the first who dared to do so should be shot dead.
They then pretended to calm down, declaring that it was a
boyish plot, but that something must be given to end the
‘palaver’ (Milando). They followed our people to another
village, where the sergeant and Lieutenant Antonio Jose da
Cruz met Captain Joao da Cunha Pereira and Gonqalo Caetano
I’ereira. The latter, persuaded by them, offered a Chudbo,t or
twenty strings of white beads, and when they were discontented
he added a capotim or two cloths. Still, emt>oldened by having
bullied the poor traders, they refused, and began to set upon
him face to face. Captain Joao da Cunha, wishing to retreat
from the fray, ordered his bearers to bring Ms hammock (Man-
chila). The Maraves opposed this, and Men beaten off by his
slaves they attacked the hammock of Gonpalo Caetano Pereira,
carried it away into the bush, and drove off a cow. Our
Caffres, seeing this open theft, rescuetl the beast with club-blows,
and used sharp weapons upon a few who must have suffered
severely. The Muizas came to our people’s assistance, beat all
the Maraves they could seize, carried off their arms and put
them to flight : they then destroyed the neighbouring villages,
razing six, after looting all the millet and other things they
could find. Gonpalo Caetano Pereira came in for a few blows ;
Vasco Joaquim Peres (Pires) escaped being treacherously
killed with an assegai, and Pedro Xavier Velasco avoided an
arrow. The village-Fumo and another Marave were seized to

* In other places called Jose Vicente Pereira Salema.

t Monteiro and Gamitto mention the Chudbo (de Missanga) p. 113, and in p. II
tell us it is equal to twenty strings. It is in fact the equivalent of our fathom of
cotton cloth, the brn^a or the shukkah of Zanzibar.

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Chap. IT.

THE JIUIZAS CANNIBALS.

account for the missing hammock and for two packages of white
beads (mutores de velorio)* robbed during the affray. Pre-
sently all the plunder was restored : I did not, however, omit
to blame the officers for supporting too patiently such annoy-
ance on the part of the savages, and for not using their fire-
arms upon the thieves.t ”

28<A. — The Muizas, who had remained at the place of
plunder enjoying their spoils, came up to my quarters. I
changed my mind about their not being cannibals, as they sang
a song to the purport that “ had such a thing happened in their
country, they would to-day have eaten much roast meat.” My
complaint so increased that I doubted my surviving it, and I
had no other remedy but recourse to “ Agua de Lnglaterra
(Englisli water ?) against the opinion of our doctors, who can
hardly read. They know but three diseases, “ constipac3o ” (cold
closing the pores and often bringing on fever), “ mordaxim ”
(gripes or coli^, and “ fraq^ueza ” (general weakness, especially
impotency). On the 30th it was reported to me that there was
no provision for the people, that no village was in sight, and
that many of our Caffres had fled. I ordered that on the
morrow they should put me in my palanquin, no matter how
deplorable might be my state, and set out in search of food.

31sL — Quinine had prevented the increase of my illness — the
only improvement, but no small one. I was carried to my
palanquin and took bearings to the best of my power so as not
to lose the line of our march.

August 1th . — Fever prevented my keeping the Diary till
to-day. No news except that we have crossed the little
streams “Euy” and the “Bua,”J which falls into the Chire
(Shire). The country traversed is so poor that nothing can
be procured but millet, sweet potatoes, yams, ground-nuts
(Amendoim), and a few bananas : these, however, are abundant
and cheap. My only support is rice-water. Not a chicken
during my sickness 1 not the smallest bird to be seen, and no
sign of game : possibly the famished Caffres, after finishing their
stores, declare war even upon the butterflie.s, and have thus
exterminated birds and beasts. A few slaves are the only

* Motor or mntor is explained by Montciro and Gamitto to mean trooxa, a
bundle.

t The ofBcers were probably right. A few deatha might have stopped the ex)K>-
dition, and would ecrtainly have enaured its destruction on the down march. IJnt
Dr. de Lacerda did not expect to return this way, and African fever soon exhausts
the traveller’s patience.

X Monteiro and Gamitto give a Biver Buui, and several called Bua, A'ua, or
Mvua, which in Kisawahili would signify rain. The Shire Eiver, draining tl>o
lake Nyaasa, was evidently, I have said, well known to the Portuguese.

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JOURNAL OF DR. DE LACERDA.

Chap. II.

traffic, not an ivory, not a grain of gold, whicli, however,
abounds here.

Since yesterday we have seen hares, she-goats, and black
cattle. The latter would be fat and sightly, if not kept entire :
still both are large, and they have not the evil savour of uncas-
trated animals. I have ever heard it said “ this or that thing
is bad as goat’s meat.” The adage is not true of the she-goats
in this country and of Sena ; without exaggeration, their flesh
is better flavoured than the mutton of Lisbon, and it is used at
the best tables. Ivory also begins to appear. At the narrow
but deep Uzereze River,* * * § which receiving the Bua, falls into
the Chire, we met some flying Caffres, who trade with
Mozambique. I could not converse with them, as they at once
disappeared. We hatted on the banks of the Uzereze River,
near the village of the King Mocando, the most powerful in
people, and dreaded Marave chief of these parts: he was in
great fear because of our sickness.j

8th . — Almost all our journey has been more or less towards the
N.N.W., but since yesterday we have made westing. It is this
bend that places the Cazembe’s country so far from the western
(eastern ?) coast, and to the distance must be added the
perpetual troubles caused by the carriers. Since we crossed
the chain whose valleys we threaded from the Maxinga Station,
we have wanted water, and that found in the villages is taken
from pits (mixeiras), and as white as milk.J I sent forward
to the Cazembe the chief sergeant of militia, Pedro Xavier
Velasco, who with his armed slaves volunteered in this expe-
dition to serve tlie Crown, taking with him the ensign of
militia, (and?) Manoel Caetano Pereira. To Velasco was
committed a copy of the instructions appended to the Diary.§

The dearness or want of salt is here so great that it becomes
an article of commerce, and is very rare. To-day I saw a
Marave woman making it ; it was a mere ley of ashes, with
hardly the sharpness of the lixivia, and without any likeness to
the piquancy and flavour of salt. Perhaps, however, habit
makes men prefer it to ours. Amongst the Indians of the
Rio Negro, in the cajitainship of Para (the Brazil), I saw a salt

* Monteiro and Oamitto (p. 113) call this the Ruareze River ; they describe it
as running east (to ttie Shire River orto the Nyassa Lake), ciglit fathoms broad and
three deep. They also mention tlie Mucandii, Hambo (chief) of the Clidvas
(Shevas), as the moat powerful between the Zambeze and the Aruangoa rivers,
and in p. 448 they call him “ king of the Clic'vas."

t There is always much trouble if a foreigner dies in this part of Africa.

X I found the same in the Ugogo country, a dry land lying to the west of the
Usagara Mountains, the eastern Ghats of the Zanzibar coast.

§ This document never reached head-quarters.

^iooglc-

Chap. II.

SCAECITY OF SALT.

different from sea-salt in its outward colour, not in its taste ;
it was extracted from the ashes of a small wild cocoa.

and lOfh . — The Caffres, not contented with our halts
which, as the Diary shows, were frequent, and scandalised by
our marching on an average 2^ leagues a day, refused tn
advance, and sent back some of those wno had gone on. I had
no remedy but to await them in a village called Ohitenga.
The unreasonableness of these negroes is shown by my Diary,
but the cause of disorder may be traced to certain members
of the party, against whom 1 will proceed in due time. At
present I must bear all, and dissemble my thoughts, with the sole
object of forwarding and successfully finishing the expedition.
To-day (10th) the said Caffres arrived, and to-morrow we advance.

11th . — It was necessary to halt at 10.15 a.m., as the Cafifres
are accustomed to night in this place — a poor excuse, which
would be valid if water lay afar. 1 am in despair, thinking of
the want of supplies, of the necessity for wintering in the
interior, and of this delay in carrying out the orders of the
Crown. My blood boils to see the likeness between the Cafifres
and the whites who, introduced to me as knowing the manners
and customs of the natives, have adopted only their superstitions
and abominations which, added to their own, render them truly
detestable.* Lieut.-Colonel Pedro Nolasco and the chief sergeant
Pedro Xavier Velasco are the only two hitherto found faithful,
and with whom I can unbosom and solace myself.

From the Mocando’s country to the (southern) Aruangoa
Eiver,t another tribe, the Mutumbuca, is mixed with the Maraves,
subject to the chief of the latter, whose sons govern thern.J
Generally speaking, both these Caffre families are w'ell formed
and robust, but the women are rendered horrible by their habit
of piercing the upper lip to admit an ivory circlet, or a bit of
dried gourd of more than a thumb in diameter ; you may say
that the upper lip serves as sun-bonnet to the lower. I saw
only one of them with the lower lip similarly pierced and
bunged. The men wear in their ears stars or rings of pewter,
or, lastly, young bamboo shoots — canes about one palm long.^
On their bodies they draw star-like lines and patterns, which

* I have abbreviated this and many similar passages. The traveller’s unfinished
journal is not a work of art, and therefore there is no fear of mutilating it.
t Namely the marches of July 26th, 27th, 31st, and August 7tli.
i Thus the Mutumbukas, also call^ in the Diary (August 20th) “ Botom-
bucas” arc clients or helots of the Maraves. I havo treated the subject of
double races in my work ‘ Zanzibar City, Island, and Coast.’ Monteiro and
Gamitto (p. 150) make the “ Tumbuca tribe serfs of the Chevas ” (Shevas or An-
shevas). Mr. Cooley writes the word “ Mutumboka.”

§ I do not know whether this is the short palm of 4 or the long palm of 8
inches.

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JOURNAL OP DR. DE LACERDA.

Chap. II.

are not without their own peculiar beauty. They wear various
head-dresses and necklaces of velorio* or of cowries : this last is
of the best quality, and passes not through Sena, where an
inferior sort is current as the first. Others part their hair into
as many ringlets as can be made, about the size of quills ; each
lock is plaited with tree-fibre from the root to the point, so
closely that it is hard, and projects spike-like from the head.t
Some few begin to tie these pigtails round the roots, and thus
they fall over the head with a graceful bend.

\2(h. — To-day I passed two places: one showing saltpetre on
the ground-surface, and the other evident signs of gold. Both
are inserted in the map.J

13<7t. — At 10 '30 A.M. we reached the village of the chief
Caperemera,§ son of the Mocanda. The villages of the latter
are very populous, but those of the former much more, since
many Muizas, driven by hunger or attracted by the fertility
of the Marave lands, here assemble. I propose to myself on my
return to make further inquiries ; these people are ever exag-
gerating or diminishing, without apparent reason.

My sleep is lost and my days are spent in thinking how to
obviate the delays, the slow marches, and the Cafires’ insolence.
From my own people there is no advice, beyond a cold “ We
must do what your honour orders.” If I propose a plan, they
approve of it in my presence, and disapprove of it in their
private conventicles. When I send a command to be executed,
all cry out and do nothing : ray hands are tied ; the few soldiers
are mere CafFres, like the rest. When I proposed, after the
time specified, to arrest some sixty of the most mutinous porters,
those who advised the measure opposed it in a cowardly
manner, declaring that if the Cafires — who difier from our
American negroes as the moon does from the sun — were made
prisoners, the Maraves would become dangerous. As though a
single shot or death would not — so at least our men often have
boasted — put to flight a Marave army ! || Presently, these half-a-
dozen wliite men so thwarted me, that I resolved to keep my
own counsel, and to manage everything myself.

♦ I have before explained velorio to mean a large opaque porcelain bead.

t The Wagogo of Eastern Africa also plait their hair with tree-fibre, and the
effect of the he^-dress is that of the Sphinx. Monteiro and Gamitto (p. 154)
describe and sketch the spike-coiffure alluded to in the text.

I A foot-note informs us that this map never came to hand.

§ In August 1831 this chief {“ Caprim^ra was visited by the expedition
under Messrs. Monteiro and Gamitto. They remark that the old man coasted
much of having received Dr. do Lacerda.

II I think that the reader will here agree with the party, not with Dr. do
Lacerda ; at least I should. The account in his text is inordinately diffuse, and
calls for abridgment.

Chap. II.

REACH CAPEREMERA’S VILLAGE.

Finally, on reaching Caperemera’s village, I sent to inform
him of my illness, and my wish to see him. The chief (Mamho)
presently appeared, — a fine-looking man, full of natural grace.
Summoning all the servile head-men of porters (Mocazembos)
I said in their presence that I had much friendship with his
father (the Mocanda), in virtue of which he had at my request sent
orders to all his vassals and villagers living on or near our road,
to seize and to bring before him all the Caffres taken without
a pass from me, and to sell them for his own profit. I authorised
him to put to death those whom he could not seize, promising
on my return an ample reward. The truth is, I had failed to
obtain this from his father, because the latter had feared to
visit me, and moreover because I had neglected, through igno-
rance of their customs, to delay with him for a day, which they
hold a high honour. I added that it was my wisn similarly to
•contract with himself strict friendship, and to open commerce, by
which he would be the gainer. By sending to Sena his tusks and
gold, as his land contained it, he would obtain more cloth than
from the slave-factors (Mossambazes or Pombeiros) of Mozam-
bique, and on my down march he ought to despatch with me
some of his “children” to Tete, where they would see the
advantages of such traffic. I expressed, furthermore, a desire-
that he would respond to my offers of friendship by posting
three of his messengers (Patamares) on the different roads, and
seize as his own slaves all the fugitive Caffres who could not
show my token of dismissal.

The present of a red cloth (xaile), a piece of thin Indian
cotton (zuarte), a flagon of rum, and a doth of cauril * (um
panno de cauril), confirmed our friendship. The chief in person
leading the Cafires who accompanied him, sent for three of his
slaves, and, before all of our head-men of porters, he gave to
each a bit of paper, which I had stamped with my arms, and
he ordered them at once to carry my plan into execution,
adding that if any runaway showed a similar token he was to
be brought before me, that it might be verified. I admired the
presence of mind shown by this Mambo, and the vivacity with
which he replied to one, who asked what he would do with the
Caffres who might now desert. He said at once that he
w'ould sell the runaways, as all fugitives had been given to
him by me.

The Mocazembos, hanging down their heads, hastened with

* Dr. Kirk says, “ It U uncertain how much this measure of cowries may be.
It is probably an equivalent of the panno or pano (cloth), the unity of monetary
value and worth in 1832, as we are informed by Monteiroand Gamitto (Appendix
I.) 120 reis fortes = 6d.

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JOURNAL OF DR. DE LACERDA.

Chap. II.

the intelligence to their companions, and all showetl, I am told,
such sadness that the inference is either they intended a general
desertion after the departure of the women, or they feared
future chastisement, finding the door of escape shut, and com-
pelled when avoiding Charv'bdis to fall upon Scylla. The
Mambo replied to me that he valued my friendship; he had
not, however, sent his “sons” to Tete, as his ancestors had
never so done, and tliat hi.s people did not extract gold, because
they knew not what it was. Hoping that by these measures my
Canres will march farther, and that in case they desert, despite
all these precautions, others will bo forthcoming, I determined
to dismiss the negresses who had accompanied me with so much
good will, and who had proved themselves so useful upon the
tardy journey.

l4tt. — Caperemera came to see me, and in sign of friendship
gave me a tusk, upon which I directed the royal mark to be
placed. Thus the Treasury will be indemnified for a large cloth
(roupao) and other trifles whioh he begged. As he would give
a superabundance of porterage, even though all the Caffres
should desert, his wishes must be consulted. He tells us that
he expected eighty Muizas, on account of the chiefs of another
village, and that if forty or fifty men are wanted he will supply
them. I cannot, however, move even to-morrow, as the porters
must prepare provisions for the first few days. When the fort
adjutant of Sena told him to thank the Manes of his ancestors
(Muzimos),* whom these people deify, for my passing through
his land, and for making him those presents, ne replied that
he was not a slave-boy (Caporro), and that he had a large
heart.t

\bth . — My dependence upon Caperemera made me lavish
upon him the greatest signs of friendship that I have ever yet
shown to man. I marvelled at myself, as I had ever detested
flattery, especially of those who were powerful enough to
advance me. On the other hand the Mambo, expecting all
things from me after my return to Tete, showed no remissness in
urging the presence of his Muizas ; and moreover, he protested!
that he would make me a dash (Saguate) of all the slaves and
ivory that he might henceforth collect. I on my part promised to-
send him so many things that he would be rather richer than the
grand Turk ; this made the Caflre dance with joy. To ascertain
the value of his tusks, I directed an official to bargain with him
for a tooth, as if it were a private purchase unknown to me.

* The reverence for the Manes, or rather the ghosts, of those lately departed, la
the only sign of worship amongst these tribes.

t Meaning that he was a chief, and therefore no niggard.

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'Chap. II.

RESPECT SHOWN BY THE KINGLETS.

The Mambo observed that he wondered at the audacity of the
man, who must have known the promise made to his master. I
asked him where was his market for slaves and ivory. He said
they were sold to the Manguros,* living on the hanks of, or near to,
the Chire (Shire) river, who trade with the Mujanos (Wahiao),
but that the greater part of the ivory exported by these Caffres
comes from the Cazembe’s country.

My red skull-cap, dressing-gown, pantaloons, and baize socks
of the same colour, the hut or house that rose so suddenly, the
make-believe soldiers, the bales (mntores) of cloth, and other
trifles, are great things so wondered at that I want words to
express their veneration for me. It is well to remember that
the experienced Solomon found nothing but “ vanitas et
afflictio spiritns,” or a conceited mind might have been upset by
it.t In presence of this awful confession, which must sadden
and terrify all the world, what enjoyment can we find in
things that are not founded upon the security of our con-
sciences?

But as moderate enjoyment in honest things is not vicious,
so I accuse myself of indifference and insensibility, because I
consider and hold it to be the effect of . . . .f its not proceeding
from the cares which keep me ever pensive, and inaccessible to
all pleasures, so that I can truly say “ I live not for myself an
instant a day.” When considering, in fact, that we have passed
with such ease through the lands of these kinglets, excepting
only the little robber who tried to molest us; that we have been
received with such respect and affability where it was predicted
that we must fight or pay our way — especially through those of
the Mocanda, all the world of Sena speaking of him with out-
stretched necks — and that my white companions and the black-
slave-factors have been my only difficulties in carrying out the
commands of the Crown, I feel bursting with rage. But let us
stop here. It is not right that the readers of this Diary should
be made partners in my sorrows, increased as they are by the
lively grief caused by the death of my beloved wife, whom God

* The Manguros, according to Monteiro and Gamitto (p. 420), do not lire
near the Bhiro River. They are “ Maraves inhabiting the banks of the Rio
Nhanja ” (Nyassa Lake ?), and they trade with the Arabs of the Zanzibar coast.
These may be the Marungu — two tribes at the sonth of the Tanganyika Lake, of
whom I heard from the Arabs of Unyamwezi. Mr. Cooley (reviewing my book on
the Lake Regions) says, “ It is evident that the Arabs confound the Arungo in
the north-west with the Anguro in the south-east, on the other side of the
Arangoa.” The Anguru have been mixed up with the Wahi4o. The Mujanos or
Mujao, as has been sadd, are the Wahiao.

t This repeats what I remarked of negro flattery to Europeans in my ‘ Mission
.to Dahomo.’

I Hero there is a lacuna.

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JOURNAL OF DR. DE LACERDA.

Chap. IL

was pleased to take to Himself in the flower of her age, on the
first of April. Even so quoth Horace —

“ Ut ridentibus arridcnt, ita flentibiis adflent
Humani vultaa.”

I inquired about the Caffre way of killing elephants. The
Mambo sent two iron spears, four (short) palms long, and one
inch thick. One end was flat, like a lance-head, but nowhere
was the iron broader than a man’s thumb. The other extremity
was firmly inserted into a piece of iron-wood, and the whole
might weigh 8 lbs.* The sportsman climbs a tree over-
hanging the elephant’s usual path, and, with this weapon,
which penetrates to the socket, wounds and kills the beasts as
they pass. The Manifa CafiTres, who yearly come to hunt the
Crown estates of the Sena district, now adopt these means
which are better and more destructive. Leaving aside their
mummeries, medicines, and oilLngs — which are supposed to
bring good luck — when they sight a herd they separate from
it some of the animals by whooping, and then they slip at
them trained dogs, that engage their attention by barking from
some distance. Meanwhile the Caffres, watching their oppor-
tunity, hamstring them, and despatch them on the ground with
their spears.t

For the first time I saw the mops or head-thatches of the
Muizas, powdered with dust red as carmine. Supposing the
colour to be ochre, I asked for a little of it, when Caperemera
explained to me that it was not clay, but wood.J He gave me
a cake or loaf of the dust, which has been preserved for the
Crown ; and when I wanted a log or trunk, Catara told me that
he would procure one for me in the lands of the Cazembe, where
it abounds.

We well know that the natural taste of men brought up in
the ways of simplicity rejects with loathing our highly-seasoned
food. The same is the case with the other senses. Two Caffres
of our par^ skilful in playing the horn performed before some
vassals of Caperemera, their compatriots, as well as to Muizas.
Hearing these sounds the younglmgs uttered terrible cries ; the
women, the boys, and some adults fled, and the field remained
empty. After losing, how'ever, their panic, all returned, and

* This is the elephant-spear used in Unyamwezi and the adjacent country ;
the people, however, do not mount trees, but tlirust like the Manisa Caffres. They
have tlie same superstitious preparations,
t The people of Ugogo, east of Unyamwezi, do the some,
t Monteiro and Gamitto (p. 28) describe and sketch this “ chingen^ue,” as
the mop is called. They name the wood “ pio muciira (sorte do pio Brasil). The-
tribes of Fernando Po also ornament their hair with a powder of red wood, which
I mistook at first for clay.]

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Chap. II. LEAVE CAPEREMERA’S VILLAGE. S3

appeared to enjoy the instruments, perhaps more from novelty
tlian from their melody, such as it was.

\Qth . — I was getting ready to move forward, but the Muizas
had not returned from the villages, where they had been to
collect millet for the first day’s march. Besides whicli, Caffres
never hurry themselves — African Cafires at least. When sold
to America they take example from their elders, and become
far more diligent. It is a fact a thousand times observed here,
that a Caffre has never carried a letter with haste, even though
threatened by his master with punishment for delay and brited
with cloth for despatch.

At my request Caperemera sent many couriers to summon
the party, who at last arrived : some of them, however, wished
to return their pay rather than carry our loads. The Mambo
very angrily ordered them, under pain of expulsion and com-
pulsion, to “ clear out,” and they knew the power of his bow.
He was named Caperemera, meaning “ the Brave.” Sure that
our Caffres would not fly, fearing sale at Mozambique, with its
consequent exile from Africa — the severest penalty to a Caffre
— and resolved to show them that their reign was over, I sum-
moned them as if to muster them, and when they were gathered
together I sent soldiers to their encampment fMussassa),* with
orders to bring and break before them their dows and arrows.
They were seized with consternation, it being a dishonour to
travel without weapons, as only criminals and fugitives go
unarmed. So when the subjects of the King of Barve (the Bar6e)
in Manifa, and the people of that neighbourhood see one of our
Caffres without how and arrows they seize him till claimed, and
take pay for their work and for his hoard and lodging. I left
the village at 3.30 P.M.f

11 th . — I travelled, hut not as far as could be desired or could
have been done, awaiting those detained since yesterday at
Caperemera’s village in the hope of collecting fresh Muizas :
to-day my Caffres being much more humane and listening to
reason, wliich before they did not. Those left behind arrived
at night, and I gave biders to collect provisions, as for some
marches ahead there are no populous villages, nor can we halt
in what there are, as they are not in fit places. From the abode

♦ The “ mussassa ” is the “ khambi ” or kraal of the Zanzibar regions, a collec-
tion of little huts made of boughs and dry grass, and generally surrouiideil by a
ring of thorns; heneo the word kraal from curral.

t Dr. de Locerda evidently oweil niucli to his “ Caffre friend,” Caperemera, and
the expedition which followed him was as generously and hospitably treated by
the Muiza cliief, Chinti Capenda (p. M'ith;)ut these moral arses in the

howling waste of barbarism, the African traveller would worry himself to
death.

G 2

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JOURNAL OP DR. DE LACERDA.

Chap. II.

of my Caffre friend the land is composed of low and gentle hiUs,

E artly stony, partly of good soil. In the latter are many small
amlets, and to-day we found two streams of good water, which
greatly refreshed us.

18w. — The first high ridge which we traversed divides the
lands of Caperemera from those of the kinglet Mass6. We are still
crossing sundry valleys and ridges, auriferous but unworkable for
want of iron tools, skilled labour, and high water,* except such
as could be brought from afar. The streams run, more or less,
from W.N.W. to E.S.E., and their watershed forms, I believe,
the Aruangoa Eiver.t I called the range Cordilheira Carlotina.f
This was our first day of travel, if real marching be regarded.

19fA. — Wishing to observe an eclipse of Jupiter’s satellites,
which will occur to-morrow, and wanting a place with a name,
I made a forced march, so as to reach the village of Mazavamba.
We halted at the River Ircufiize (Ircusuze),§ after traversing
a depopulated country, full of lions.

20fA — ^At the end of the wildest and roughest of our marches
1^ the village of Mazavamba, a great thief. All the resident
jfuizas and Botombucas || who came to see me were exceedingly
drunk, and Mazavamba, who continued his carouse till the
22nd, was too far gone to visit me.1T I found the position of the
village to be in time 2'’- 45' 46", i. e. 41° 26' 30" E. of Lisbon
( = 32° 18' 18" E. of Greenwich), and in S. lat. 12° 33'. The
variation was N.W. 21° 58' 30".

21st . — I had an attack of ague and fever, which was increased
by the news that the greater part of the Muizas had deserted.
Caperemera behaved like a friend, sending back to me those
who arrived at their villages, and punishing the families of
those who hid themselves in the bush. The want of supplies
and the small quantities of provisions brought in cause conster-
nation to all the Cafires of our party.

* “ Agoas altas,” means waters with a fall for “ hydraulicking.”
t The watershed is still to the Shire River or to the Nyassa Lake. So in Mon-
teiro and Gamitto the Bucnzi River and Rivulet shed to the east.

t The traveller having now reached the outliers of the great mountain-plateau
known as Serra Muxinga, named them Oarlotina, in memory of D. Carlota,
wife of the Prince Regent of Portugal. It is the southern boundary of the
northern Arangoa river-basin, and its northern slopes discharge into the Bemba
or Bangweolo I.abe. Monteiro and Gamitto (p. 125) term Masse “Mambo
Muass^,” and call this part of the highlands Serra Capire. It is alluded to by
Dr. Livingstone, who, writing to the late Earl of Clarendon from Ujiji (November
1, 1871), describes it as a mountain mass, not exceeding 6000 or 7000 feet in
altitude, and rising from a broad upland between 8. lat. 10° and 12°, and over 700
miles in length from east to west.

§ The next expedition called it Riacho Rncnzi, the northern streamlet of
that name flowing to the west when the southern sheds eastward.

II See August 11th.

^ This frequently happened to my expedition when crossing Ugogo.

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Chap. II. HAL1\NEAR THE EEMIMBA RIVER. 85

22nd. — I spent all the last night and the greater part of to-
day cogitating how to collect bearers that will not willingly
abandon their loads. Then I issued an order containing the
reasons for my resolution,* * * § and I gaye it to the chief captain of
the bush, Gonfalo Gaetano Pereira, and to the chief sergeant,
Jose Eodrigues Caleja.

23rd. — From Mazavamha’s village I made for the Northern
Aruangoa Kiver. The ague and fever which attacked me so
violently on the 21st inst., came on to-day with increased vigour,
from 9 A.M. to 9 p.m. Suffering it as I best could, we marched
upon the Kiver Kemimha : only a hrook at this season, it must
carry a considerable volume during the rains.

I nalted at a village near that stream, not so much to nurse
my ague as to collect provisions for 3^ to 4 days of march
upon the nearest Muiza village. The price of provisions was
six times greater than through the lands of the Maraves to the
Mocanda ; beyond the latter point they will sell nothing except
for cloth, despising our first-class beads (velorios) because, as I
have said, they have larger samples. Enough to say that there
a goat costs one chuabo, a cloth of any quality : here its value
is not less than six, and other things are in proportion. The
worst is our not being able to buy wholesale. Each Cafifre
brings from his yearly store a small portion, at the utmost
reaching a “ quarta ” (fourth of a bushel).t In the same river
appeared fish called Pendes,f small, but savoury ; they are
equally good and larger at Tete ; during the winter {i. e., wet
season § ) these, perhaps, may attain the same size. There
are also other species, owing to the anastomosis of this stream
with the Aruangoa River; they describe the latter to me as
tolerably broad, but at the present season shallow.

24^A. — In order not to place my people in the wretched state
of having nothing to eat, and no provisions for the three or four
days of desert-march (sertao), I did not purge myself to-day,
and from 1 A.M. I began to cut short the ague with quinine.
We halted at the village of Capangura, the most \vretched yet
met with ; there was absolutely nothing for sale ; no rations
(Maronda) were brought even when the highest prices were

* In a foot-note we leam that the paper has been lost.

t The traveller now approaches tne waste lands that divide the basins of the
Northern ArangOa and the Chamheze rivers. The water-parting is a N.E.
prolongation of the Serra Mnchinga, called by Dr. Livingstone “ Lobisa Plateau.’’
This is the desert which caused such losses to the expedition that followed
Dr. de Laoerda.

X Monteiro and Gamitto (p. 193) mention this fish, and compare it with the
“ dourada” of Portugal.

§ In these lands the rains begin in our autumn, reach their height in
December, and end with our spring (see Bept. 7th).

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86 JOURNAL OF DR. DE LACERDA. CiiAr. II

offered. A little before reaching the village of Mazavamba,
the mountains which begin at the other end near the settlements
of Caperemera and Masse terminate ; the chain is all auriferous,
but, for the reasons before stated, it will be hard to work.

2-)ih . — This day (thirtieth) I resumed my Diary, though still
suffering very severely from fever, of which I have had four
attacks since the end of March. I did not expect to escape the
three first. Perhaps the third would have been less trouble- ,
some, had I not been travelling, and in want of eve^thing.
Enough to say that his Excellency the Governor of the Rios de
8eiia, the successor of those heroes who never left the house ex-
cept in a sedan chair with two large velvet sun-tents (umbrellas),
carrying big silver knobs on both sides, in order that the glances
of the Lord of Day, even though setting, might not annoy
them ; who lived wrapped up in silks, and in the lightest white
clothing ; who often suffered from indigestions and other incon-
veniences, the effect of a too splendid and profuse diet, and who
finally passed their time in scattering cloth, and in gatliering
gold and ivory — this successor, I say, spent many an hour
shirtless, and wrapped up in a baize, because his clothes were
left behind, while during his sickness he had not a chicken for
broth. “ Deus super omnia !” The route, which I never
ceased tracing even at times of my greatest weakness, serves
me as a guide to work up this Diary. I cannot, however, ofl'er
very many details, as my malady often prevented my taking
notice of everything.

After marching two hours we made the (Northern) Aruangoa
River.* Its breadth is irregular, owing to the friable nature of
the banks. Where I crossed it was sixteen to eighteen fathoms
wide, and three and a-lialf palms (1ft. 2in. ?) deep. Seeing
that it can bo navigated by all manner of boats only during the
rains, I did not carry out my intention of sending down one
of the officers to Zumbo, the settlement at its junction with the
Zambeze. As far as the Aruangoa I had not seen a single tree
of which a good-sized plank could be made ; beyond it, but
only on the lands adjoining the course, many fit both for boards
and for canoes were found growing. A number of Muizas
marched along the river, to lance hippopotami. All the Caffres
of these lands and, as far as I see, of Inner Africa generally,
prize the flesh, and the more tainted it is the better they like it.

* -According to Monteiro and Gnmitto (p, 139), when they were encamped at a
place 5 leagues from the villago of Miizavambu, they were leagues from this
Aruangoa, which they forded on September 6, 1831. It must be remembered
that the second expedition crossed the stream, Juno lUth, west of Dr. de Lacerda's
line, whilst Dr. Livingstone marched _betwccn the two very nearly as far as
the Chambeze River. (See September S’tb.)

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( 87 )

CHAPTER III.

The Maboh fbom the Nobthkbn Abtjangoa Riteb, till the Death of
Db. de Laoebda.

Augvst 26, 1798. — This day I made a long march to reach
a lake or lagoon ; all the ground was marked with elephants’
trails, the fir^ seen since we left Tete.*

21th. — I halted near the village of Caperampande,t and, with
the view of sending carriers to assist the second division, I
waited over the 28th instant, supposing that these people are
subject to, or at least that they fear, the Cazembe, and would
not dare to desert like those of Caperemera.

28<A. — I could not obtain people ; they were numerous
enough, but they demanded for four days as much as the
Muizas had received for the whole journey to the country of
the Cazembe : they at last confessed that, not being accustomed
to carry, they would leave their packs on the path.J The
millet harvest-home having just ended, here, as in the land of
Mazavamba, the people are in a constant state of drink, which
they call a festiv^. Since my arrival the drum has never been
silent at night, and when I asked if it was to .collect a party
for me, they replied “ No it was a sign that on the morrow
they would “ raise Pombe.” After inquiry, I found the phrase
to mean that, when the Fumo, or village chief, caused his
drum to sound in that way, it was an order for all his “ sons,”
or subjects, to come on the next day with their pots full of
country-beer to be drunk with shouting (war cries?) and
dancing.

22th. — A short march to water. Passing the village of Cape-
rampande, I found the people at their orgies with the red wood-
dust, before mentioned, covering their hair, which thus looks as
if the stuff lay upon it in swathes. The place appeared a hell —

* The wooded lands noticed on August 26th account for the presence of
elephants.

t We find (Diary, August IGth'j that Caperemera means'" the brave ” ; this word
is also evidently a compound, to be pronounced Caperampande.

t Though a superior race to tboee of the seaboard, the inner peoples of Africa
are often less manageable by the traveller thau the " coast ru&ns ’’ : they are
absolutely ignorant of the value of money, and they refuse to abate whatever their
want of knowledge demands.

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JOURNAL OF DE. DE LACERDA.

Chap. IU.

the Muizas its devils. On the festal days when they collect tO'
drink, all wear their best clothes, if they have any.

3(WA. — At the beginning of the march we ascended low and
gentle ridges, which were followed by one that was high, great,
and rough ; it trends, they tell me, to the Zambeze and the River
Chire (Shire). It is called Serra Muchingua. I named it
Antonina, in honour of our august Prince, whom the Lord pros-
per and preserve.*

Zlst . — At 6.30 A.M. I broke up the camp and entered a riant,
^acious valley scattered with settlements ; from the Aruang6a
River to this place the land is too rough and stony, too arid
and waste, to invite lingering. A multitude of Muizas begged
me to stop and be stared at : they ran after us, men and women,
more than a quarter of a league, trampling on one another,
clearing the bushes, falling and rolling (arranhando-se) at
our feet, but were persistent in satisfying their curiosity.f They
do not carry bows and arrows, like the Maraves, and in both
tribes I never remember seeing a lame or a maimed man.
Finally, amongst the Muizas today there was not an inch of
cotton-cloth, all being dressed in fibre-fabrics.

Sept 1, 1798. — As the powerful Muiza kinglet Mucungure —
of whom they say that he is not really a subject, but an ally,
of the Cazembe — was absent from the village, I marched to meet
him in the place where he lives. Thus I hoped to succour the
second division, which must have suffered from hardship and
hunger. These difficulties arose from the Tete Cafires having
deserted after hearing their proprietors exaggerating the diffi-
culties and dangers, the terrors and horrors, of a journey before
made by Manoel Gaetano Pereira, and by the slaves of D. Fran-
cises, of Curvo, and of others.

The country to-day travelled over is high and rocky; the
settlements are small, wretched, and starving. It is sad to see
so many well-made and robust Muizas with teeth destroyed by
the loss of enamel when jagging them like saws.J This deformity
is Fashion’s work — of whom we may say, as the Latin poet said
of language —

“ Si volet usus,

Quem penes arbitrium est, et jus.”

This excuses every folly and ridicule of dress, and adds arti-

* This is the well-known Serra Mmcinga, a name which Monteiro and
Gamitto (p. 171) have very properly retained. It is spelt Maxenga or Machingo.
by Mr. Macqueen, and MuchinOTe by Mr. Cooley, who translates it the “ deep
defile.” See note to August 18th, of Dr. de Lacerda’s ‘Diaiy.’
t This scene I have frequently witnessed in Central Africa, where the people
never knew any “ white ” but an Albino.

t I never saw the enamel injured by jagging, but it is by smoking, and more
BO by chewing tobacco mixed with earth, lime, or saltpetre.

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Chap. in.

VISIT FBOM MAMBO MUCUNGURE.

ficial to the natural miseries of human life. What a profit to
a people who, contented with modesty, decorum, and cleanli-
ness, would minister to the caprice, the vanity, and the folly of
others, that live upon such trifles and unnecessary inventions.
La Mode, I believe, would thus be the most valuable article of
trafSc to a nation that refused to use her.

2nd . — About midday Mucungure visited me with a long
“ tail,” under two very old and broken umbrellas, preceded by
many drums, which, with the clamour of his people, made a
truly infernal music. He appeared to be in his second child-
hood ; and when I began to mk business about his assisting my
people, two of his ma^ates told me not to trouble myself — that
all should be done. He brought a pair of wives : these ladies,
like himself and his subjects, wore tree-barks with girt waists.
The Cafifres and their spouses habitually appear in the poorest
attires, by this mute language appealing for cloth. Altnough,
for reasons above given, I have no good opinion of, or trust in,
the Muizas, I was satisfied with this chief and his grandees,
who gave me 50 men to forward those left behind.

3rd. — To^ay I was confirmed in my opinion, that all the
Muizas are not subject to the Cazembe, by seeing the respect
with which Catara, a courtier of the king, spoke to the Mambo
Mucungure. My questions elicited the ;fact that ’the latter is
an independent and powerful Caffre. Similar falsehoods were
told to me by eye-witnesses when I was serving the Crown in
Mato-Grosso : this caused great expense to the Royal Trea-
sury, whilst I and my companions went through many perils and
hardships, spending six months near the Lake Xaraos, hemmed
in between the Payagua and the Equestrian (Cavalleiro) tribes,
the bravest in our America. These things, I sa)"^, have made of
me a conu)lete Pyrrhonist. I remember having heard Manoel
Gaetano Pereira and his Muizas asseverate that on this side of
the Aruangoa River begin vast pampas and plains:* hitherto
the country has changed in nothing from the bushy lands which
commence at Tete, except in the better or in the worse quality
of its soil.

4<A. — To-day we had three troubles, — a long march to water
through a depopulated country (the most easily endured), a thigh-
deep marsh near a ridge ; and, thirdly, the most dangerous, a
grass-fire, which surroimded us, and which gave us great trouble
to escape. Being sure that the Caffres can no longer fly, I did
not administer at the village of Caperemera corporal punish-
ment, that they might be able to march ; yet two of those who
escorted me, believing that they could escape castigation, did

* He will presently find out that this is correct.

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*■

90 JOURNAL OF DR. DE LACERDA. Chap. IU.

* their best to deserve it. After sending an order for them to be
flogged, one of them, being a head-man (Mocazembo), was put
into the bilboes.* This example has so altered the Caffres that
I no longer recognise them : they are now most obedient ; they
are ready without murmuring to make any march I please,
nor do they require driving to work. And, remembering Hippo-
crates, — “ Quae applicata juvant continuata sanant,” — I shall
not forgot to apply to future sick men a remedy which has
already worked so well. Bravery, honour, and fear keep men
in the right path. The two first virtues have fled so far from
Cafire-land that no human force can bring them back ; to
the third, however, the people are by no means insensible ; only,
as they care nought for good or evil to come, they require
at times a present example to bring them to a sense of their
duty.

bth . — In 1 hr. 45' we crossed the Serra Eodrigo, passing over a
level break in the mountains, and then down a very gentle and
easy declivity. The wintry rains flowing from this open country,
and those of the other serra near which I halted, form a second
swamp as troublesome as that of yesterday.

(i<A. — To-day the shrubs and bush which cover these lands
were so thick that the Caffres who carried our luggage found
it hard to remove them. 'The depopulation of the place, the
famished state of our party, the marshes, our having to cut
lines and paths, and the thirst which often afflicts us, the fevers
caused by nightly cold and by fierce suns of day — to say nothing
of my sickness — aU combine to make the land appear wild and
sad. Were there game to supply the want of millet, or small
birds to charm us with their song, the transit would have been
less tedious. For the last three days we have made much
westing. I never supposed that we should have to approach so
near the Equinoctial line.

1th . — As soon as I marched, the Caffres began their jour-
ney. Noteworthy are the uniformity and regularity of the
ground during the last three stages. After a serra or ridge,
whose end, however, is not perceptible, but whose breadth is
inconsiderable, comes an open country of a league and more,
then a lagoon, and finally another similar ridge.t I halted at
a large streamlet,} near a settlement, and from this point forwards
the land became more populous. In the village I saw two
Muiza iron-smelting furnaces; they were too ruinous to give

* Nr gargalheira, an Afi-ico-Lusitanian word ; the Anglo-African phrase is " in
log.”

t Showing that the country rises in steps and plateaux to the north,
j Portuguese, especially the Brazilian diulect, is very rich in names for every
description of water-oourse. See my ‘ Highlands of the Brazils.'

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Chap. III. UNRELIABLENESS OF CAFFRE INFORMATION. ' 91

me ail idea of their construction, but CatAra assured me that in
the Cazembe’s country I should view all at my ease. The
furnaces appeared to me conical and truncated pyramids.*
An evening spent in questioning Catdra convinced me that
without a knowledge of the language of, and a habit of intercourse
with, these people, their information is useless, and that nothing
they say is reliable. To-day he contradicted the deposition
which I had taken from him and from Manoel Caetano Uereira
touching the Muropue being the fatlier of the Cazembe.f In
■order not to be ever saying and unsaying, I will wait for
information in the town (Zimboe) t of the said king, and then
set down all that I know for certain.

The Muizas count months by moons, of which they have
eight good (dry) and four bad (wet); the twelve make their
year, wliich begins witli the first bad moon : this at present is
the rainy season, corresponding with our December. The want
of judgment and discernment of these Caffres, the difficulty
of finding a man who understands their language, and at the
same time one instructed in chronology, and (as I perceive by
their replies) the pertinacity with which the interpreters dis-
figure my questions whilst adapting them to the limited intelli-
gence of the hearers, make me despair of obtaining from the
Cafifres much information of the kind wanted by learned men.
Jose Thomaz Gomes, fort adjutant of Sena, is an excellent
linguist for non-scientific purposes ; he knows most of the Cafire
■dialects, and he easily learns them. He has hitherto served me
well, and I hope that in the city of the Cazembe he will serve
the Crown still better.

Sth . — To stifle our hunger and collect six days’ rations at the
village of Morungabambara, near the Zambeze Eiver,§ I went
to-day a long march through champaign lands clearer than
before, and lacking high ridges and difficult swamps. I passed

* Monteiro and Gamitto explain them (p. 38', and give a sketch of one,
fig. 2.

t The fact is that the traveller had misunderstood the word “father,”

X Monteiro and Gamitto (p. 428, &c.) write the word Zimbaoe. Mr. Cooley
rightly prefers Zimbdwe, and translates it “ royal residence.’* African kings
often live in quarters, or even in detached towns, inhabited solelv by their wives
and families, their fetish men and their slaves. An instance of this is Fuga in
Uaumbara.

§ The reader will bear in mind that this is the “ River Chambeze,” famed for
oysters, of MM. Monteiro and Gamitlo's map. flowing to the left or south-west,
and now known to fall into the Bangweolo Basin or Bemba. In his wonderful

* Inner Africa Laid Open,* * § p. 28, Mr. Cwley calls it the “ New Zambeze,** and to
£t his theories he makes it turn to the north-eatt and fall into his fabulous
“ N'yassi, or the Sea.*’ Dr. Livingstone crossed it in 8. lat. 10^ 34', further east
than Lacerda, whose lino again was GO to 62 miles east of Monteiro and Gamitto.
^Soe note to August 21 b!i.)

JOURNAL OF DR. DE LACERDA.

Chap. ELL

some villages — what villages ! — four or five huts, so small and
low that one can hardly guess how the Muizas can lodge in
them. It is well known that a cylinder or an upright conical
pyramid forms the Caflfres’ houses. Amongst the Maraves
the cylinder base may have a radius of 6 (long) palms-
(6 X 8=48 inch. =4 ft. diiameter), and 4 to 5 of height. Uppn
this cylinder is placed the pyramidal roof, and as the radius oi its
base is broader than the cylinder, the projecting eaves defend
the huts from the violent rains, increase the difficulty of enter-
ing and make the interior very dark. Those of the Muizas
are even smaller in base and height, and I wonder how
several people can subject themselves to occupy a single tene-
ment.* Still we see many animals inhabiting close and narrow
caves.

9th . — The village referred to lies but a short way off the
road; being indisposed, I did not visit it, though they tell
me it is one of the largest we have passed. The Muizas sold but
little millet-flour, because they possess little : this, too, in early
harvest time! — what will they have in three months hence,
and how do they manage in years of scarcity? The meal
offered by the Maraves was very white ; amongst these negroes
it is wheat-coloured, because they do not clean it of the bran
lest the waste should leave them without food. N ecessity obliges
man to all things. For this small quantity they hoe the
ground into mounds, and upon these they plant millet and some
beans. I judge that one of the bases of their support is the
sun-dried and sliced sweet potato {Convolvulus hatata) ;t of that
they sold a fair portion, but they would not take up the fresh,
although it was either full-ripe or over-ripe. Sometimes they
attempted to sell the old, reserving the fresh for their own use.
Half a bushel (alqueire) of flour, a chicken, and a little basket
of sweet potatoes, was the present sent to me by the powerful
Morungaoambara. We raised our hands in thanks to Heaven,
when, after abundant difficulty, we bought ten lean cockerels,
which seemed to us so many fat turkeys. We also obtained
some ground-nuts, of which we made oil as seasoning to our
rice, lest the meat and dripping might injure our stomachs and
salt produce painful thirst. The information touching salt
existing in this country, as given by Manoel Gaetano Pereira
and by the Caffres, is wrong : if there be any, it is so little that
not a grain has appeared. What there is comes from the city

•

• Monteiro and (lamitto (pp. 84, 362) give a sketch of these huts. They are
not so nncomfortable as our author imagines, being cool in hot weather, warm in
the cold season, and air-tight at night — a defence against ague and fever.

t 1 found this food a favourite about Msenc, in Western Unyamwezi ; the leaf,
also makes a tolerable salad.

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■Chap. III.

REACH THE ZAMBEZE.

of the Cazembe or from its vicinity, where, they tell me, are
salt-mines as at Tete.

10th . — After 1 hour 20 minutes’ march we reached the
Zambeze (Chambeze), measuring some 25 fathoms (bra^s) in
breadth, and at this season from 4 to 5 palms (2 feet 8 inches
to 3 feet 4 inches). Here end the starveling lands of these
high-haired and ringleted people. The number of Muizas
passing to the dominions of Caperemera was, not without
reason, agreeably to our proverb, “ Where I am well, there is
my home.” * As the Cafifres are perfectly happy when they can
eat without labour, and as they must work hard to live poorly
in their own lands, whereas in the Marave country they have
abundance without much sweat of brow, we cannot marvel at
their emigration. I do not regard those who stay at home with
BO much horror for being Anthropophagi, since “necessity,”
which, as they say, “ has no law,” compels them, after every
opportunity of battle, to batten upon human flesh, even if this
abominable custom does not proceed from satisfying their wrath
and revenge. On the other hand, again, I make their ignorance
an excuse for the unnatural action ; for what is the African know-
ledge of good and evil ? — they seem to me, indeed, not to know
that they have reason. If I had brought the geogr^hical
books which I left at Tete, I should now imitate the Barber
Maese Nicolas and the Licentiate Pero Perez,f when they burned
to ashes Amadis de Gaul and all the chivalrous library of the
ingenuous knight Don Quixote. Thus would I have punished
the authors for disfiguring the face of the earth, describing
whatever their fancies (heated with rum and strong liquors im-
bibed against the cold) painted during sleep; attributing to whole
peoples and nations characters which they neither have nor
ever had ; I would do the same with what they say of the
Paulistas, to whom Portugal knows not how much she is
indebted, or, if she knows, at any rate she does not recognise the
debt ; and also with that which a celebrated modem Portuguese
•(I know not whether as author or translator, but certainly as
impostor and defamer) said so impudently with respect to the
Americans, that he blushes not at being impeached for falsehood
or credulity, since we are not in the Iron Age ; all, excepting those
who have written or spoken things which approach the truth as
declared by studious men of known veracity, not by secular
(ignorant) minds that take no interest in the progress of
science.^ I would also burn the manuscripts in which I took

* This is the “ Omne solum forti patria,” a truth so distasteful to the Earl of
'Chatham, and which railways and steamers realise to our miuds every day.
t See Chap. VI.

t This fearful sentence is left as a specimen of the difficulties of translation.

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JOURNAL OF DR. DE LACERDA.

CnA.r. III.

down the depositions of Manoel Gaetano Pereira and the
Muizas, touching the journey to the Cazembe, at least the
parts proved so far from truth, if I had but time to expurgate
them, or if there were anyone to do it for me. But in time
justice shall be done ; meanwhile remains to me the consolation
of being a poor geographer, yet one of the six most veridiques,
since lying and geography, especially that of America, Africa,
and Asia, “ sunt duo in came una.”

My principal desire being to obtain exaet notices of the size
and the direction of all streams found between Tete and the
Cazembe’s country, and from the latter to Angola, I laboured
to extract information from different Muiza Caffres, and from
Manoel Gaetano Pereira, making repeated and compared
inquiries to avoid errors arising from strange languages. All
uniformly and repeatedly assured me that the Zambeze (Gham-
beze) and the Eupurue Eiver * — 15 fathoms broad and deeper
than the Zambeze at the part where I forded it to-day — ran to
the right of one travelling to the Gazembe. Pereira confirmed
this information; from which I infer that he knows not his
right from his left hand ; and such must be the case, since he has
almost always lived amongst the Gaffrcs, and has inherited
their intelligence, as experience is showing me.

To-day I sent to inquire about the course of the Zambeze
(Ghambeze) from sundry Mussucumas, a tribe mixed in small
numbers with the Muizas on this side of the Zambeze, some of
them vassals to the Gazembe (these were my informants), and
others independent.! All said that it trends to the river which
runs by the city of the Gazembe,! whatever be the truth ot
their information, which at present I neither allow nor dis-
allow.

IKA. — To-day nothing remarkable occurred, except that the
ridges and hillocks from Tete to the Zambeze (Ghambeze)
Eiver are now ended.

12th . — During the march we covered some leagues of open
plain, with as many of the usual ground, and we left on the
right hand a great standing water. We halted in the large and
populous village of the Fumo Ghinimba Gampeze. Here I was

The “Panlistas” I have already explained are the people of the Province of
S. Paulo, in the Brazil, who waged of old fierce wars with the Jesuit Spanish
colonies, and wore abused accordingly by Charlevoix and his class.

* Mr. Cooley (‘ Inner Acrica Laid Open,’ p. 29) insists upon changing this to
Kisuro, a “Muoomango word.’’ In Kihiao, or the language of the once powerful
'Wahiio tribe, “ Mesi ” (Maji in Kisawahili) is water, and Busuro, or Lusuro, is
flowing water — a stream.

t The Musukuma seems to be an unimportant tribe. “Usukuma,” in
Unyam wezi, means the “ northern country.”

{ Meaning that it joins the Luapula, and this we know to be correct

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Chap. III.

AMENITIES OF FUMO CHIPACO.

visited by sundry Muizas returning from the city of the
Cazembe with ivory, intended for sale to the Caifres of the
Eastern Coast. From two of the slaves I attempted to extract
some information touching the Eiver Chire (Shire). They
replied that their nation did not travel, and that it is only since
the Cazembe conquered them in war that they ever leave their
country, and even that now they never go further than the city
of that king. Some Caffres sent to buy fowls failed to procure
any. A tribute of poulti'y is exacted by the Cazembe, to whom
tlie people send as many as they breed.

13<A. — We spent an liour in crossing the worst swamp yet
seen. Many Muiztis passed us yesterday, coming from the king
with ivory and copper-bars for sale. I now think with reason
that the great number of tusks which once uent to Mozam-
bique, and which certainly came from these lands, goes at pre-
sent to Zanzibar, or the neighbourhood, not only because they
get more for their ivory, but also because Zanzibar is nearer
tlian our possessions.*

14<A — A short march placed me at the village of Fumo
Chipaco, the largest and the most populous of all. I judge that
this must be one of the grandees, as Catara spoke of him with
respect. He at once sent him to call upon me, with a civil
message that, as a friend of his master, I was in my own
country, and that he, as a slave of the Cazembe, was also mine ;
moreover, that all things in his village, and in those under his
command, were at my disposal. I was pleased by such atten-
tion, and by a message which I never expected to hear from a
Caffre who had never seen any but Cafifres-t

As I cannot think of anything but my present undertaking,
I begged from him people to assist the 2nd Division, of which
he had already heard from Catara. The latter lay sick at a
village near the River Zambeze (Chambeze). He answered
that he would give me as many as I wanted, and that he would
presently order his drums to sound the assembly and to collect
all, when I could take what number I pleased. His answer
about our provisions is also worthy of being recorded literally.
“ Tell the Mambo that he is in the village of Chipaco.” 0 vanity

* This was the case two- thirds of a century ago, and of late years the Zanzibar
market has greatly increased. I stated, in 1869, that the north of the Nyassa
or Kilwa Lake had been visited by hundreds of caravans (‘ Journal of the Koyal
Geograpliical Society,’ vol. xxix. p. 272). Mr. Cooley, who quotes largely from
Doctor do liBcerda, but who apparently has read him partially (‘ Review,’ p.
15), calls this a “ monstrous assertion,” simply because they would thus march
over his purely imaginary “sea.” Dr. Livingstone has performed this feat
during his last expedition, and apparently was not aware of the impossibility. •
t The contrary is the case ; the African borrowing from the European as much
rudeness as he dares to affect. Witness “ S’a Leone."

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JOURNAL OF DR. DE LACERDA. Chap. UU.

and amour propre ! Is it possible that, even in the depths of
the jungle, thou canst not leave free from thy poison these wild,
half-naked men ? But vices are bom with us.

We will see if his works belie these good signs. I hope not,
as yesterday and to-day we have seen many human skulls and
corpses cast out upon the road. These frequent examples must
make men respect and fear this king ; as the latter, they knew,
sought our friendship, they will not fail to assist us.* * * § Some gf
those wretches had lost their lives for witchcraft, there being a
belief in all this part of Africa, even amongst many whites (as I
saw in Mozambique), that no man ever dies except by sorcery, t
Whenever a Caffre accused of this crime denies his guilt — some
coarsely confess their guilt — he undergoes tho Mave ordeal, t
It consists in administering a tincture of some bark (the tree
being called Muana), which is a violent purgative, and, as the
dose is copious, the wretch generally dies in horrible pains.
When I lay very sick on this side of Java (Jaua), the Muizas
said that, had the Cazembe been in my case, many would have
been slain. How blind, how heavy, and how afflicting, is this
thraldom of Sathanas ! How gentle, how peaceful, is the yoke
of Jesus Christ! If the supposed wizard is lucky enough to
vomit, his innocence is feted with great joy, and ms accuser is
fined. The Maraves burn their sorcerers.§

\bth . — Since crossing the Aruangoa River my illness kept me
between palanquin and bed. Wishing to receive at my ease the
visit of Chipaco, and to return the visit which he paid me to-day,
BO as to despatch sixty men to-morrow, I entered my palanquin.
His settlement is large, though it does not appear so. Accormng
to country custom the huts are so close, and without order, that my
vehicle could hardly thread its way between them, and so small are
the tenements, it was often carried over the lower part of the roofs.
Chipaco alone supplied us with sweet potatoes and meal, besides
that which we were obliged to buy from his subjects. He also
offered to lead in person sixty Caffres for the assistance of our
lag-behinds, and thus he hoped to avoid the chastisement of the
Cazembe for idleness on the part of his “ sons.” His second in
command, however, undertook this commission — such is the fear
and respect with which they regard their king.

* It is always a pleasure, after travelling through the semi-republican tribes
of Africa, to arrive at the h^-quarters of a strong and sanguinary despotism.

t This is the universal negro belief.

J Monteiro and Gamitto (p. 89) describe and sketch the “Muive Ordeal.”
This poisoning the " Sassy (^ucy) Water,” the. “ red water,” the “ Calabar
(or ordeal) bran ” of the Western Coast, and the Tanjina of Madagascar, is
almost nniversal in Africa,

§ I found this custom of burning magicians fearfully prevalent in the Lake
Regions, especially among the Wakhutu,

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Chap. III.

CAFFEE GREETING CEREMONIES.

This Fumo, when visiting me, rose up brusquely, and re-
tired, as if cutting short the conversation : I wondered at the
proceeding, and thought that perhaps he had been offended
by me unintentionally. But two Caffres, who had thrice
made this journey, informed me, in reply to my question if any
cause of scandal had been given, that such is the custom of the
grandees, and that 1 must not be astonished to see it in the
ting’s city.*

This gives me an opening to describe Caflfre greeting cere-
monies between slaves and fceedmen, and between Maraves,
Munhaes,t Muizas, and other natives known to us. With
scanty difference it is almost the same. When Caffres meet
and wish to salute one another they mutually clap palms in
measured time and in silence, after which they enter into con-
versation. When visiting they do the same : but if the master
of the house be unwell, he does not beat hands, and his visitor,
seeing the state of things, does it softly. It is not a fixed
rule to clap palms, each one slaps the part of the body which,
according to position, he deems most suitable. Amongst some
nations subjects, in the presence of their chiefs, lie on their
sides — a sign of inferiority : our Caffres, and the labourers of
the Crown lands, when not in revolt, do the same. The
JMaraves, and others who are not subject to us, never prostrate
themselves, except when visiting our lands. In their own
country it is a token of friendship for, or an acknowledgment
of benefit, gift, or praise from, a white man. The Muizas on
these occasions aim rub dust on the breast and arms, and
lastly, on the breast: the males beat palms with the hands
upraised, as we do in prayer, whilst the women hold them
horizontally.

Wth . — With a mind somewhat at ease I continued my march,
and, after crossing some rivulets, at the end of the day’s work
we forded sund^ large streamlets ; besides others, the Bicena
and Mocanda. The Caffres never pronounce this initial “ R ” as
if it were double.! Before arriving at these waters, whether
great or small, the land slopes gently down, and, after passing

* The great ‘ Times ’ Coirespoadent, Dr. William H. Bnsaell, complained, we
may remember, of the same abruptness in the citizens of the United States. It
is generally the case in Africa, where it contrasts strongly with the elaborate
nature of the greeting when men meet.

t According to Monteiro and Qamitto (p. 47, &c.) the Munbaes, neighbours of
the Maraves, live on the west of the Great Zambeze, and are governed by the
Mambo as Cbedima, whom the Portuguese call the Monomotapa. They are evi-
dently the Banyai of Dr. Livingstone.

t According to Monteiro and Gamitto (p. 205) the “ B ” is not pronounced,
and the “ L ” often takes its place, as Luena and Levugo for Buena and Bevugo.
This is general amongst the Maraves. I have elsewhere spoken of other tribes.

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JOURNAL OF DR. DE LACBRDA.

Chap. III.

over the bed, it rises similarly ; so that the drains flow either
between ribs or waves of ground, or through low hills.*

Ylth. — To-day’s march was of moderate length. Some Cafires
brought us a few chickens, which, having no large porcelain beads
(velorio), greatly to our sorrow, we were unable to purchase. I
think to have heard that the best quality of beads comes to
Mozambique, and that the Banyans, the true traders of that
place, sell them to the Moors or Arabs of Zanzibar, or dispose
of them by means of the Mujaof throughout the interior. In this
journey I do not remember seeing any Caffre ornaments of
small beads (Missanga), between the Mocanda and our present
camp : all are made of the said large velorio, and few are of the
so-called first quality which comes to Bios de Sena.

18<A. — Our only novelty to-day was the slow and patience-
trying work of clearing the path in many places ; happily
the bush was not strong. Wo crossed the little Eiver Ku-
cure.

I'ith . — However good the water may appear, it cannot be
healthy from where the swamps begin. It always runs through
stagnant formations, and is tainted more or less by the vegeta-
tion that rots in it. We are often obliged to use dammed-up
and standing water.

2Qth . — The village of the Fumo Mouro-Atchinto J ends the
district of Fumo Chipaco, which began at the River Zambeze
(Chambeze). Here I nalted for three reasons. Firstly, to rest
the party and prepare for a forced march of seven to eight days
through the waste and desert country before us. Secondly, to
collect supplies on this day and the 21st. Thirdly, to observe the
immersions of Jupiter’s satellites, if my illness permit, and the
bush burnings which begin at 9 to 10 a.m., leave the air clear. Of
late the atmosphere has been thick, and only about dawn it thins
with the fall of dew (cacimba), which is cold and heavy. This
chill is followed by an intense heat, the efiect of sun and grass-
smoke, and at 11 a.m. it is at its height. To-day we suffered
from the smoko which was all round us, and, fortunately for
us, the dried herbage was not very high. We crossed a River
Ruanzeze.

‘list . — The Cafifres say that on both sides of and near the
high road are small villages. They also assured me that to

* This exactly describes the region traversed when approaching the Tanga-
nyika Lake.

' t The Wahiao of whom I hove spoken in ‘ Zanzibar : City, Island, and Coast ’
(see Diary, August 15th).

X Evidently the proper name of the Mfumo. The country is called “ Chama,”
and when the next expedition went there, they found it under the Mfumo Muiza
Meseiro-Chimmba.

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•Chap. III. POSITION OP MOURO-ATCHINTO FIXED.

northward lies the Uemba nation,* between the Muizas and the
Mussucuma, who reach the banks of the Chire (Shire) or
Nhanja.t Also they assure us that the Uemba and the Mussu-
cuma are mortal enemies to, never sparing, the Cazembe’s
people ; but they are equally so with the Muizaa, whom they
know by their combed heads. On the south are the Arambas
and the Ambos, peaceful friends of the Cazembe, who trade,
th^ declare, with the Caifres near Zumbo.

Despite my serious wealmess, I observed the immersions of
Jupiter’s first satellite, which gave me for the position of
Mouro-Atchinto, 2 hours 36 minutes 40 seconds east of Lisbon
(or 39° 10' 0"=30° 1' 58" long. E. Green.) The latitude was
S. 10° 20' 35".t

22nd, 23rd, 24f/». — Many elephant-tracks in these lands ; the
trees increase in height and thickness.

25<h. — I halted at a village of a few huts, inhabited by some
Muizas, who are obliged every three days to collect the Sura,
wine extracted from a wild palm called Uchinda. I preferred
it to that supplied by the ralmeira mansa, or cocoa-uut-trce.§
Here I received news of the chief sergeant, Pedro Xavier
Velasco, who was sent forward from the Mocanda; possibly
sickness has, contrary to my instructions, detained him so long.

26tt. — This day’s country is hilly and stony, chiefly in the
ascents and descents, but there is a kind of plain or plateau
which forms the highest levels, || and which apparently con-
tinues, seeing that nothing is in view but low hills.

27<h, — Feverish and weak, I marched over the desert and
orossed some swamps. A Cafifre guide assured me that in the

* The Anembas, Muembes, or Moluanes, are mentioned by Monteiro and Ga-
mitto (p. 408, &c.) aa a nomad tribe from the W.N.W. of the Cazembe’e country,
which has seized part of the lands of the Muizas. Their chief is entitled the
Chiti-Muculo. In the ‘ Mittheilungen ’ we read that the Awembo and Miluana
are mixed or half-bred Milua (the Sowahili WanlaX congeners of the Alunda,
the subjects of the Muilti ya Nvo.

t The Nyassa Lake. This passage shows how well the Nyassa Lake, and its
drain the Shire, were known, even in 1798.

t This was the lamented traveller’s last observation. According to Dr. Living-
stone (writing from Lake Bangweolo, July 1868), “one of them (the four brooks),
the Chun^, assesses a somewhat melancholy interest, as that on which poor
Dr. Lacerda died ; .... his latitude of Cazembe’s town on the Chungu being
SO miles wrong, probably reveals that his head was clouded with fever when he
lastob^rved.’’ lint at the tenth parallel of south latitude. Dr. Livingstone was
close to Lacerda’s path, and he also places the Chungu rivulet about south
latitude 10°. The fact is, that Dr. Livingstone’s map misled him.

§ I have always, on the contrary, found the toddy supplied by the cocoa-tree
(Cboos nueifera) the best flavoured of all palm-wines.

II A common formation in the African and Brazilian interiors is an upland
plateau of earth, bounded by descents, from which wind and rain have swept
away the humus, leaving the shoulders bare and stony. These places are always
the worst riding.

n 2

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100

JOURNAL OF DR. DE LACERDA.

Chap. IIP.

liighlands to the left hand (westward) is the Great Lake which
he and his master Manoel Gaetano Pereira — who, however,
made it larger — had crossed on their last journey* It must
be a continuation of that near which I nighted, perhaps anas-
tomosing with the other water which we have passed, since the
owners of certain miserable huts where we are now, there catch,
it is said, large fish. I wonder at the scarcity of game in this
bush; whatever may be to come, I expected in this desert-
march (Travessia) to see some animals at a distance.t But if
we fere badly in this part, we are recompensed by the absence
of the mosquitos with their burning sting and their infernal song.

28<A. — At 1 P.M. I reached a village governed by the Fumo
Mouro, of the same grade of vassalhood, but nearer related
(mais conjuncto) to the Cazembe. About half a league before
our arrival a vast crowd of both sexes and all ages awaited me
with festive instruments : so anxious were they to see me that
some were perched on tree-tops, and after I had passed they
descended and accompanied me, singing, playing instruments,
dancing, and at the same time cleanng the road. Those who-
were on the ground ceremoniously rubbed themselves with
dust, and showed their wonder of all they saw, not only by the
expression of their countenances, but by holding the forefinger
in the mouth J and by biting the hand. I did not see one Muiza
here. In the afternoon Mouro sent me his present of PombCj
four large chickens, and a gazelle almost decomposed, with a
message that he did not visit me in person, as he was preparing
subsistence for my people. To-day’s march was clear of trees ;
but all suffered from want of water, which was not found till wo
reached the Daro or halting-place (pousada).

29th . — As the Fumo did not keep his word touching sup-
plies, I sent my people to buy what was offered, namely manioe
fiour, as good as any I have seen in Mozambique, millet still in
spike, but very black from the smoke with which they drive
away the insects.

All the manioc meal (ferinha), even in the Zimboe or
Cazembe’s city, is made in the same way. They soak the roots.

* This is evidently the Bemha or Bangweolo Lake lately visited by Dr.
Livin^tono. It was foreshadowed in our map by the Sbnis Gike, which I had
named “Chama.” — (‘Memoir on the Lake Regions of Central Africa,’ ‘Journal
of the Royal Geographical Society,’ vol. xxix.). I must observe that there is a
La^ “ Suni,” or “ Zwai,” near Gurague in Abyssinia ; and so there is a Ka-
lagwah or Karagwe, north of Unyamwezi.

t The deep African forest is everywhere unfit to sup{wrt animal life, unless
it is broken by largo clear spaces, where wild beasts can eiyoy sun and air.

{ This is also a popular way of expressing extreme astonishment amongst
many Asiatic peoples. Biting the hand is mostly a mark of regret or disap-
pointment.

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■OOAP. II].

NEWS OP THE CAZEMBE.

101

peel and sun-dry them whole : they pound and grind them on a
stone when wanted for use, and then they make the so-called
massa, dough, or unleavened bread. Whilst travelling they
carry the roots entire, and expend them as they are required.
They also eat, but not often, the sweet manioc * roasted : I
tried this plan, not liking the dough. In the afternoon a visit
was paid to me by the Fumo ; he exaggerated the honour by
assuring me — so infatuated is he with his dignity — that he will ex-
plain the extreme measure of leaving his viflage by considering us
to be the Cazembe, the only person who can claim such devoirs.

30th . — Leaving a road formerly well trodden and populous,
I followed another shorter and clearer path which was opened,
they say, when the Cazembe changed the site of his settlement
(Zimbo4) for one more easily fortified. This line is at once
shorter and clearer. To-day I had news of the chief sergeant
Pedro Xavier Velasco reacmng the Zimboe, where the Cazembe
had immediately ordered one of his grandees to prepare sub-
sistence and to meet me. They say that the king expects me
with transports of delight.t May it be true ! But I doubt it,
having observed that a Caffre’s mouth never opens without a
lie slipping out. It is a people wholly regardless of duty in
matters of truth.

October Isi. — Approaching the halting-place I travelled be-
tween two high rough ridges stretching out of sight. I passed
some villages lately deserted and founded on good sites, the soil
being good and the forests like that of the Brazil, the trees being
tall and large. It was said that the people had fied after
suffering much from lions.^

2nd . — When beginning the march I met two brothers of the
Cazembe and a son of the Fumo Anceva,§ his relation, escorting
a goodly store of manioc, sun-dried “ bush-beef,” and two she-
goats for our Caffres : the soldiers had their portion of the same
separately. II

My intention was to-day to travel as near as possible to the
JZimboe, but these messengers told me that being a Mambo,
or chief, like the Cazemte, I could not advance until their

♦ This is the Macaxeira or Aipim (J. ulilimma) of the Brazil ; it contains no
poisoDons principle, and therefore it does not require to be soaked and pressed.

t As the first European who ever visited the conntr;, Dr. de Lacerda might
expect a most ceremonious reception.

t Monteiro and Gamitto also hero found lions dangerous.

§ According to Monteiro and Gamitto (p. 236), the Fumo Anceva is a func-
tionary who watches over and is answerable for strangers at the city of the
Cazembe, and through him they must seek their audiences with the king. There
is such an officer at all the African Courts, and a mighty pc^, as a rule, he is.

II This exactly describes the preparatory reception of a visitor by the Kings
of Dahomey, Benin, and others.

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102

JOURNAL OF DR. DE LACERDA.

Chap. III.

father, the king, had first rendered to his ancestral Manes
(Mozimos) due thanks for my arrival in his country. Also that
I should advance a little nearer the place, town, or house
(Massanza •), where the Cazembe’s father is buried, and there
express proper gratitude for the said benefit. Withal they
would not agree for me to enter the place to-day, nor could I
do otherwise than conform to their wishes. They begged me to
j)itch the camp outside, as they had to give me the message of
their king, l^ey said that the Cazembe was so much satisfied
with my coming that he soon would plaster his body with
chalk,t in sign of thankfulness to his “spirits,” and would
send to fetch me.

1 was also directed to leave at the burial-place of the royal
ancestors a blue cotton (Ardian), 4 fathoms of cotton-cloth, and
a small quantity of white and coloured stoneware beads. Tho
king did the same with Manoel Gaetano Pereira. As far as I
can see, travellers pay up the vows and offerings with which tho
king supplies the spirits for benefits received. At the samo
moment the two oflBcers sent a messenger to the king.

Whilst they were preparing the hut and bed, between which
1 am now compelled to live, I called up these oflBcers, but they
would not answer a word to my questions. W'hen, wondering
at this profound silence, I was told by the interpreter that,,
though they could listen to all I had to say, they could not
speak till after delivering the royal Muromo.J Finally, when
they brought me the message, I ordered, in token of respect, a
mat to be spread for them, but they always seated themselves
upon the ground, saying that I was a second Cazembe, and that
such was their only place in my presence.

At 64 A.M. returned the messenger, who was sent forward
yesterday by the brothers of the Cazembe. These two oflBcers
said that the king asked me not to move to-day as it was un-
necessary for me to \n8it his father’s burial-place (Massanza),
that it would be enough for me to forward the cloth yesterday
mentioned, and that to-morrow, after the ceremonies, I could
continue my march. He presented to me two tusks in token of
friendship.

It is clear that I must agree to what the Cazembe asks,
despite the inju^ which the delay will cause in my present
state of health. Hut seeing that these exceedingly superstitious
Caflfres hold their dead to be gods, and reflecting that the faith

* This burial-place of the Mu6t4s, Cazctubean kings, is called by Monteiia
and Gamitto (p. 229) “ MlxHmo.”

t tt was a wliite powder, called “ Impemba.” — “ Uma sorts de giz (gypsum).”
t In Portugncae Boca, or “ mouth,’’ signifying that it allowed free intercourse..

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Chap. III.

END OF DR. DE LACEUDA’S JOURNAL.

103

which the Demon engraves upon the human breast must lie
deep, I resolved, by a stately ceremonial, to obtain their good
will for myself, and thereby to forward the views of the Crown.
Wishing to give an idea of their rites, I sent Lieut. -Colonel
Pedro Nolasco and Lieutenant Jose Vicente Pereira Salema with
soldiers to the grave, and ordered them to fire three salutes with
the usual interval, exaggerating as much as possible the obsequies
in token of friendship, and carefully noting everything they saw.

This had an excellent effect upon the crowd, and upon the
guardian-priest (Muine-M^amo),* who, externally, was not
distinguisned from other Cafifres. The latter, after consulting
his oracle, the ghost of the Cazembe’s father, exclaimed that I
who had bewailed with them the death of their king was a god
who had come to them ; that I should go wherever it pleased me,
all the country being mine, and so forth. His good will was
confirmed by a present and by a message from me begging him
to take particular care of the respectable house, where lay my
friend the Cazembe’s father, whose ashes I so much respected.t
• * • « »

End of Dr. de Lacerda's Joumal.%

Remaek.s by the Tbanslatob.

According to Monteiro and Gamitto (p. 370), the history of
the Cazembe’s people is wholly traditional.§ It is said that the

* Monteiro and Gamitto (p. 230) were received by the priest sitting cross-
legged on a lion's skin, and all whitened with Impemba. And they had to pay
for this African apparatus.

t According to Monteiro and Gamitto, the stages from Tote to Lunda (the
capital of the Cazembe) are as follows : —

Dajfs. Leagues.

1st. From Tote to the Aruingoa River 25 .. 120J

2nd. „ Ariiftngoa River to the Chambeze River.. 22 .. 80|

3rd. „ Cbambeze River (a desert) to Lunda city 29 . . 90J

Total 76 291i

t Mr. Cooley, ‘ Geography of N’yassi ’ (p. 34). says, “ the expedition arrived at
Lucenda (the Cazembe’s city) on the 2nd of October, and Lacerda, worn out with
fever, di^ on the 18th.” For 2nd read 3rd. According to Monteiro and
Gamitto (p. 327), the traveller was buried a day's march from the then capital,
and there is still in the place a Muine-M&x&mo, or Lord of the Tomb. When
the expedition returned, the bones of the unfortunate explorer wei-e, as will be
seen, exhumed for the removal to Tete, but the Muizas attacked the carriers,
and thus they were dispersed in the hush.

§ Mr. Cooley in 1845 (‘ Journal of the Royal Geographical Society ’) borrowed
the history of the Cazembe from Pedro the Pombeiro (‘ Annaes Maritimos,' No.
7, p. 29C> In 1854 appeared ‘ O Muata Cazembe,' the work of MM. Monteirp
and Gamitto ; it is a far more reliable account than the former. Mr. Cooley had

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104

REMARKS BY THE TRANSLATOR.

Chap. III.

“ great potentate Muropue, or Mw^ta yd, Nvo,” hearing of
white men living towards the east, sent a Quilolo, or obtain,
named Canhembo,* to open intercourse with them. Under
this captain’s charge was placed one of the potentate’s sons, for
whom cruelty and insubordination rendered exile advisable.
The Quilolo, with an army of Alondas (speaking the Campocolo
lanOTage), subdued the Wasira (Messira),t lords of the 'soil.
At last, discovering a plot laid against him by the turbulent
prince, he resolved to I'etum with him to the Muropue and
to report his success. This he did ; but when again sent east-
ward with “ Chambanpua,” the big drum of terrible notes, this
Captain, Canhembo, was treacherously drowned in the Lualao
River by the prince, who was, in his turn, put to death by his
father.

The Muropue then sent his Fumo Anceva, Canhembo, the son
of the murdered man, who, when the Wasira (Messira) rebelled,
finally defeated them. In memory of their founder all the
other kings took the name of Canhembo. At first they were
mere vass^ of the Mwdta ya Nvo ; presently they sought inde-
pendence, and established a royal court. Canhembo IV., sur-
uamed Lequ^za,^ was the next ; and he received Dr. de Lacerda.
Of his valour, humanity, and generosity, many tales are still
current. He was succeeded early in the present century by
Canhembo V., who is described by the second Portuguese expe-
dition as a barbarian and a coward ; in fact, a facsimile of the
first Canhembo’s assassin.

In these Diaries we find neither the name of the city nor the
ruler. This is truly African, arising from the superstitious fear
of either being known. The expedition seems to have left the
country persuaded that the name of the old capital was
^‘Chimgo,” or Chungu (‘Diary,’ July 24, 1799). According
to Mr. Cooley, it is 10 miles south of the modem capital, and
20 miles north of the River Luo. Ladislaus Magyar declares
that the true name of the Cazembe’s capital is Tamba-la-meba,
but I do not know how he heard it. The Arabs of Zanzibar

2 »oke to me of it as “Usenda,” possibly a corruption of
ucenda, Luenda, Lunda, or Londa. It is now assumed, I do
not know why, that Lucenda is a pure error for Limda.§

unfortunately pablished his ‘ Inner Africa Laid Open ’ in 1852, and, therefore, we
detect in it all hia old errors.

* This may explain the King “ Kiyombo of Uruwwa,’’ whom tho Eazeh Arabs
spoke of (‘ Journal of the Roy^ Geographical Society,’ vol. xxix. p. 255).

t The ‘ Vacira ’ of the Chaplain (Fob. 18-21), and of ‘ Inner Africa Laid Open,’
p. 39.

t Pedro the Pombeiro called him Hunga Amuronga, but this is probably some
title.

§ ‘ Bulletin,’ Series V., tom. iii. p. 357.

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Chap. III.

DR. DE LACERDA’S DIARY.

105

Diabt op Db. de Lacebda’s Joubney.

Station.

Dat«.

Rkharks.

July 3, 1798

From Nhaufa Fntiola Estate, north of Zambezo
River, to Mitondo; short day’s march. — N.B.
The average is stated to bo 2J Portuguese
leagues, per diem.

To luhacengeira (Nhassengeira ?) the last of the
Crown properties, distant one league from Mi-
tondo ; here the land of the Maraves begins.

»» )»

n e, ^

To a nameless plain or prairie in the Marave
country ; short march.

To a similar halting-place ; short day.

>» 9, ff

To the Mashinga estate, a gold-digging; march
ending 2 '30 p.m.

„ i*. „

To a Maravo village.

15| rf

To n large village not named ; march of two
leagues.

■1 16, „

To near the Lupata (or gorge), the end of “ King ”
Bive’s land ; short march.

» 19» »

Marched with the Cordilheira Marisana to the
cast, and on the west the Cordilheira Joanina ;
short stage.

If 19, tr

Entered the Cordilheira Marisana ; halted at the
Curuzissira stream ; short march.

*11

To the Lupata Jana, full march.

22, „

Twice crossed (crossed two branches of?) the
Amangoa.

„ 26, „

Crossed the eastern ridge and halted at the
streamlet Chigumunquiro ; short march.

» 27, „

To a Maravc village: marched from 8 a.m. till
noon.

„ 31, „

To place not named.

tie

August 7, „

Crossed the Ruy and Bua Rivers ; halted on the
banks of the Dzoreze River in the conntry of
the King Mukando.

ft ^ 8, „

March with more of westing.

181

19j

„ 9-10, „

To the Chitenga vUlage.

llj j

Very short march.

Passed gold-held and saltpetre ; also short march.

r» 1^» »

To the village of the Chief Caperemeta at 10 ‘30

A.».

A short march.

„ 18, „

Over the Cordilheira Carlotina; Ike firtt long
march.

» 19, „

20, „

To the ireusuzo River; forced march.

To the village of Mazavamba — the wildest and
roughest of all the marches.

To a village near the Rio Remimba.

„ 24, „

To the village of Capangura.

To the (northeni) Amangoa River ; inarch of two
hours.

1, 25, „

j) 26, ,,

To a lagoon ; long march.

* Bowdich (p. 58) makes Java 5 days’ journey from Tete.
f Bowdich (ioo. cit.) makes “ Booa” three marches from Java.

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106

DR. DE LACERDA’S DIARY.

Chap. III»

Diary of Dr. dx Laokrda’s Journey — continxied.

SUtion, j

Dftte.

Rbxarks.

31 '

August

27, 1798

To near the village of Kapcro Mpande.

29,

A sliort march to water.

33 '

30,

To the Serra Mushinga.

81,

In a upacioud fertile valley.

35 ,

September

Over high and rocky ground ; settlements small,,
and starving, under the Mambo Mucungure.

36 I

»»

A long march ; crossing a desert and a marsh ;
much westing.

.37

»»

Crossed the Serra Rodrigo in Ih. 45m. ; another
marsh ; much westing.

>»

»>

Bush very thick, had to be cut away ; heat and
cold excessive ; much westing.

March like the three last, first over a ridge, then
open country, then another ridge; h^ted at
large stream near settlement ; land waxes richer.

1 «

>•

»»

A long march to the village of Morungabambara,
near the Chambezo River.

10,

After Ih. 20m. to the Chambeze River.

>»

The ridges and hills extending from Tete to the
Chambezo are not found on this march.

»»

12,

»*

Plain country ; then usual stylo, large lagoon on
right; to the village of Mfumo Chinimba Campeze.

13,

Toot one hour to wade worst swamp yet seen.

14.

Short march to the large village of Mfumo Chipako.

»*

16,

A gentle descent to the Bicena and Mo^nda
streams ; after that an ascent.

17,

A moderate march.

18,

>»

Had to cut a path through the shrubbery ; crossed
the streamlet Rukure.

19,

The water bad.

20,

*> 1

Crossed a Ruanzcze River ; reached the village
of Mfumo Mouro Achinto, where last observa-
tion was made; n. lat. 10° 20' 35". Time, 2h.
36 m. 40 sec. cost of Lislx>n.

22,

» 1

23,

Many elephant-tracks ; forest of tall trees

24,

25,

To a small village ; some of the people Muizas.

26,

To a plateau.

»»

27,

»>

Land still desert; a great lake in the highlands
to the west (Bcmba or Bangweolo).

»>

28,

To the village of a Mfumo Mouro ; no water on
rood, which was clear of forest.

»>

30,

»»

A sboi^r and clearer road, lately opened to the
Cazembe’s new city.

October

Between two high rough ridges; people driven
from villages by lions.

•60

»»

A short march towards the Massanza, or burial-
place of the defunct Cazembe.

Death of Dr. do Laecrda, near the capital of the
Cazembe, on October 18, 1798.

* Bowdich reduces the journey (Pereira being his authority) to 42 days from.
Muenepanda to Tate. The Diary (July Dl, 1799) makes the march from the city
to Tctd 270 leagues.

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( 10" )

CHAPTEE IV.

Diart of the Expedition sent bt Her Most Faithful Majesty to’
EXPLORE the African Interior, and to the Court of the
Cazehbe, distant 270 Leagues fbok Tete, kept by the Chap-
lain AND Commander Fr. Francisco Joao Pinto, in continuation
OF TEE Diary of Dr. Francisco Jos£ de Lacerda e Almeida, to be
presented to the Most Illustrious and Excellent Senhor.
Francisco Guides de Carvalho e Msnezes da Costa, Governor
AND Captain-General of Mozambique and the Coast of East
Africa.*

Section I . — From date of Arrivai at the City till December 31, 1798.

November 6, 1798. — At 2 p.m., as the Second Division was
on the line of march, arrived two soldiers, with official letters
for the commandant of the first division, Lieut.-Colonel Pedro
Nolasco Vieira de Araujo, stating tliat His Excellency the
Governor of the Eios de Sena, Dr. Francisco Jose Maria de
Lacerda c Almeida, had expired at the court (capital) of the
King Cazembe, on October 18, 1798, and had appointed me
to the charge of the expedition, with instructions to carry out all
that he had begun by order of the Crown. At 4 o’clock p.m., the
principal individuals and members of the second division being
present at the halting-place (Daro), I directed the lieutenant
of that division, Antonio Jose da Cruz, to read out my nomi-
nation as commandant ; and by virtue of it I installed myself in
lieu of Lieutenant Manoel dos Santos e Silva, who, from
October 22nd, had commanded the second division, succeeding,
by wish of the deceased governor, Gonfalo Caetano Pereira and
Jose Rodriguez Caleja.

At 8 P.M. came to my straw hut (mo^assa) the above-
mentioned Lieutenant Manoel, to inform me that his late col-
leagues, together with Captain Joao da Cunha Pereira, desired
to deprive me of the commandantship, although it had been

• This title will show the varied errors of Mr. Cooley (‘ Geography of N’yassi,’
p.40), that on the unfortunate Governor’s death, “his followers, panic-struck, fled
precipitately, and the whole property, including a good sum in gold, remained
in the Gazembe’s hands.” In another place ho asserts that Dr. de Lacerda “died
immediately on his arrival, and never entered the place,” — what manner of “ bull ”
is this? While in a third place we are told (‘Geography of N’yassi,’ p. 36),
that the Cazembe refused Lacerda permission to proccra westward.

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108 FR. PINTO’S CONTINUATION OF THE JOURNAL. Chap. IV.

transferred to me in the name of the Crown; and to take it
themselves — the captain as senior commissioned oflScer, and
the other as being experienced in the country.

I recommended Lieutenant Manoel to allay, as well as he
could, the rising mutiny, and to inform the mutineers that, if
necessary to prevent disturbances, I would resign the command,
but that they must understand the case to be the same as the
rebellion at Cape Corrientes.* * * §

These and other reasons, principally their incapacity to
undertake so important a business, and to report of it to Lisbon
and to Angola when the opening of the road shall have been
effected, persuaded them to desist from their project.

Ifh . — The second division set out for a more populous country,
to collect supplies which were much wanted. From this place,
within two days’ journey of the Cazembe’s city, I sent a bearer
with a “ mouth ”t of 200 cloths (each 2 fathoms) and 200
strings of beads (mutaia J), to report our arrival, and to obtain
the king’s beneplacet for our entrance.

Sih to UHh . — The permission andved, but the hour being late,
it was resolved to wait till the next day.

IK/t. — At 8 A.M. the second division marched in the usual
order to enter the city. After thirty minutes on the road we
met the Fumo Anceva, secretary, treasurer, and “ landlord ”§ of
foreigners, who, being considered merchants, give him his
name — Nanceva, being corrupted to Anceva. He was seated, a
little off the road, in his chair, which resembled a plain taboret,
and dressed in his mucanzo (mucdnzo), the finest cloth amongst
them. We at once sent to compliment him, and he told us
that we might advance. We proceeded, and he followed us on
foot, making use of Caffres when he had to be carried over mud
and streams.

When we reached the place where the Muzungos of our
party — they so call white men and all who are not Caffres — were
halted, the Fumo Anceva appeared in his great houses, which
the commandant of the first division had hired for mo for a
piece of Indian cotton, until others could be built. There he
complimented me on the part of his master, and delivered to
me a present of two ivories and two Caporretes, or Caffre lads.

• There is no other allusion to this mutiny.

t This has been explained before. The usual opening present to the King of
Dahome is mm.

t This word will be found afterwards, written “ Mutava."

§ Meaning Mehmandar, or host of stranger visitors. So at Dahome there is
an English landlord, a French landlord, and so forth, and all strangers are offi-
cially looked upon as buyers and sellers, who must pay for the privilege of
buying and selling.

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CnAP. IV.

AT THE COURT OF THE CAZEMBE.

109

16 years old. This offering is called “mouth” (boca), because
aU Caffres, except familiar friends who often see one another,
never receive nor send messages, nor even speak, without
a gift. The gifts were committed to the h'eutenant-receiver,
Manoel dos Santos e Silva, who carried them to the account of
the Royal treasury. In the afternoon, by the advice of the
more experienced who had preceded me, I forwarded unasked a
“mouth” of 36 cloths, informing the king that we had arrived
at his court.

\2th . — The Cazembe sent a big sow for the Muzungos (white
men) to see, saying that she came from Angola, by wMch they
understand their trading-places near our establishment. When
we asked if she had ever farrowed, they replied “ no,” and that
the hog had died at once.

The Cazembe presented his new guests with a skinned
and divided racaja*, and he recognized me as commandant,
which was necessary before I could be so considered in his
country.

IZth . — The Cazembe having sent for our inspection various
lots of woollen cloths, such as calamanhas,t lastings (durantes),
fine serges (sarafinas), shaloons (saetas), opaque stone-ware
beads (pedras de cor), and coloured ditto (pintadas), inquired
if such articles were foimd in our country. He also made us a
present of some blue drinking-glasses. Notwithstanding all this
kindness, all those who from 3 p.m. came to our- camp with
w'ood, flour, legumes, and comestibles for sale, were seized and
maltreated by the Fumo Anceva, and from that time natives
were prohibited from selling anything to the strangers. J

IHA. — With the aid of the first guide of the bush (pratico
dos mattos), Gon^lo Caetano Pereira, I began to prepare on the
part of the Crown a present (mirambo) for the Cazembe, and
persuaded by him that such an offering should be quite satis-
factory, I invited the Fumo Anceva to be present. Our landlord
did not fail us. Dr. de Lacerda had told him that the Second
Division would bring up fine things, which the King of Manga §
— so they call all the lands of the Muzungos — was sending to
the Cazembe. The Fumo therefore pretended discontent with
everything, and declared that the whole, being sent by the

* I cannot explain the meaning of “ Racaja, esfolada e partida.”
t Calamanhas, alao spelt Callomanhas.

i This is a general proceeding in Central A&ica, where the King wishes to be
the only customer.

§ In this part of Africa “ Manga " means the region of Whites. Montciro and
Gamitto (p. 185) translate it “ Beino de FortugaL” In ‘ Zanzibar ’ (vol, i. p. 20) I
have explained it to mean literally rock, rocky ground — hence the Arabs are
locally called Wumanga.

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110 FB. PINTO’S CONTINUATION OF THE JOURNAL. Chap. IV.

Crown of Portugal as a present, belonged to his master the
Cazembe.* It was therefore necessary to haggle about
the quality of each item composing the Mirambo ; as for the
quantity, he wanted everything, even our private luggage.

15<A to \lth . — The Cazembe, impatient at the delay of his
present, and loth to believe that impertinences of his officer
were the cause of obstruction, ordered the latter to give me two
tusks, by way of “mouth,” begging me not to maie him wait
any longer. The Fumo, however, kept the tusks and forgot the
message ; and until the battle of the gift was decided, we had to
suffer not a little from the grossness and brutality of the Mini-
ster. On the same day, accompanied by some who better knew
the country custom, I gave the Secretary his private present of
36 plain cloths (pannos de fato), 1 fine coloured cloth (getim),

4 little ingots (pendes) of calaim (East India tin, mentioned by
Do Couto and others), 200 strings of glass beads assorted,

5 cloths, 20 strings of white opaque beads, also assorted, and
4 “porcelanas” of small cowries. Although he had been
promised a gift after my presentation at Cou^ he feared the
contrary, and now he was out of his misery : his return gift was
an ivory. But though afterwards he became more placable, he
did not cease persisting in attempts to swell the present of his
king by asking for everything he saw.

18^A to 2Qth . — The Fumo Anceva broke his promise about
bearing away the “ dash ” made to his king.

21st . — With much trouble the Fumo was persuaded to carry
off our offering to the Cazembe, who was satisfied with it. The
conciseness of a Diary prevents my enumerating the multitude
of things of which it consisted, and, moreover, all appear in the
Beceiver’s account It was to be supposed that the Cazembe,
according to country custom, having received such a gift, would
acknowledge the receipt by a “ mouth,” or counter gift of ivory
and slaves — he did not return even a message. To the Muene-
mpanda, commander-in-chief and especial favourite of the Ca-
zembe, I gave 36 plain cloths (de fato), 1 looking-glass, 1 piece
of fine “ getim,” t 4 zinc bars, 200 strings of beads, 5 pannos de
velorio, also assorted, 10 donros sortidos, 4 porcelanas of cowries.
He was pleased with his gift, and returned a copper bar and a

* The same was done to the second expedition. At Dahome it is a legal fiction
that everything belonging to strangers is the property of the King as long as it is
in his city. Also there is a considerable tendency to look upon all foreigners as
slaves.

t In Monteiro and Gamitto fp. 453) “g^tim” is explained as “pintada de
cores, mas depreciada por ma." Pannos of velorio are the equivalents in beads to
fine cloths. Douroa may be an error for Dorura. explained by the same explorers
(p. 189) to bo synonymous with Canntilho.

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Chap. IV.

DISSATISFACTION OP THE CAZEMBE.

Ill

small ivory (dente de marfim miudo),* a name given to all
between to 14 lbs.

22nd to 23rd. — A similar present was made to the King’s
nephew, the Sana Muropne,t who, more generous than the
Muenempanda, returned an ivory weighing upwards of 64 lbs.

24<L — My position compels me to make the greater presents,
because the Cazembe’s friendship is in every sense necessary to
me. The haste with which I left Qnilimani to join, as chaplain,
the expedition at Tete, having allowed me no time for prepara-
tions, I indented upon Lieutenant Manoel dos Santos e Silva,
the Receiver of the Crown property, for some articles to be
repaid in money, after our return. For this both he and I were
severely censured and criticised by Jose Rodrigues Caleja and
his acolytes.

25fA. — The first guide (pratico dos mattos), GouQalo Gaetano
Pereira, with the Receiver, Lieutenant Manoel dos Santos e
Silva, the notary Antonio Jose da Cruz, and Captain JoSo da
Cunha Pereira, came to inform me that the Cazembe was so
dissatisfied with his presents that the Royal stores and the
Receiver’s office were in danger of being plundered. I at once
gave orders secretly to make up 400 ball-cartridges, in case of
need.J By the Receiver’s advice, I resolved to advance pay to
all on the list, that, should the report prove true, the Crown
stores might not suffer so much : all the soldiers were allowed
to draw three months’ advance pay ; the officers had already
received more. On this occasion I drew my salary as chaplain
for six months, no other falling due, and a prepayment of ten,
amounting to 395 plain cloths (pannos de fato) = 197‘500 dels,
of this country, or 98.750 of Portugal.

A great Chiraro (officer) complained before the Cazembe that
the Captain Joao da Cunha Pereira had dishonoured him
through his wife, and demanded satisfaction : the King, in
reply, bade him chastise the woman for troubling the whites,
and thus the injured husband lost his damages.§ The reason of
the Cazembe’s reply was that before the arrival of the expedition,
which was known to march without women, he had recommended
his officers to look after their wives, and had told them that if
any went astray, either with a white or \vith the Caffre of a
white, there would be no “ palaver.”

* The Portuguese divide their ivory into two kinds, gro.sso, meSo (middle),
miudo, and sera, the latter being “ Scrivellos,” from 1 lb. to 2 lbs. in weight.

+ He is one of the great officers at the Court.

t In these oases it is gen^lly the civilian — say missionary, doctor, or
chaplain — who first shows fight.

§ These palavers (Milandos) are of almost daily occurrence in the countries of
the Cazembe and of the Mwata ya Nvo. And the “ panel-dodge ” is perfectly
well known in Eastern and Western Africa, especially at Abeokuta.

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112 FB. PINTO’S CONTINUATION OF THE JOURNAL. Chap. IV

2%lh. — To-day the Cazembe gave his first official reception t<K
the whites of the Second Division. He was sitting on his
Hytanda,* a low, plain, country-fashioned taboret, lined with
red cotton (Xaile), a stuff brought from the north. The recep-
tion place was the principal entrance of his palace, under twO'
large and roughly-made umbrellas of Tucorim,t the common
Balagate. The open space, which is large, was filled with an
immense crowd, and in front of the people were seated his-
grandees, his son, and his brother — all upon the bare ground.
Those whom the king addressed or looked at, acknowledged it
by clapping their hands, with cries and shouts of joy, which
others accompanied with short bursts of the marimoat and
other instruments. Those not so honoured remained silent.
The grandees, moreover, rubbed earth upon their arms and
breasts, in token of humility and vassalage. When we arrived,
the king was sitting, as I have described, outside his palace, with
a little brazier before him, surrounded by various horns contain-
ing charms against witchcraft. For us a certain post had been
appointed, thirty paces from the presence ; there we were con-
ducted by our guide, the Fumo Anceva, and we were soon
surrounded by a mighty crowd of gazers. The Fumo them
retired and knelt down four paces behind his master, to receive
orders.

At once, out came Catara, the Micrunda Caffre who had met
us at Tete, and began to “ pemberar,” that is to say, to dance,
in token of joy, as is the custom, pausing in his st^s when
near the king, who was some eight steps distant. With his
knife he pointed to the directions where Angola and Tete are
supposed to be, signifying that the Cazembe was very happy in
being visited by whites from both countries. Our soldiers who
were of the party went through some evolutions, and fired, to
the great pleasure of the king. I sent to compliment him, but
the Caffre interpreters of Gonjalo Caetano Pereira, when giving
my message, presented as a “ mouth ” seventy cloths and
a mutava (200 strings) of velorio beads. The Cazembe only
replied that it was well, and with signs of satisfaction ordered
the offering to be taken up. He returned three tusks, each
weighing more than 32 lbs, and two slaves, after which he soon
dis^peared.

ITius ended our first audience, if it can be so called. Before the

. • In the SawAliil country the Kitanda is a cot, a “ lit de sanglo.”
t Tucorim, in Montciro and Gamitto (Appendix B), is a stim like Botiam, but
much inferior, striped whitish and white.

X The Marimba is a well-known negro instrument, a rude piano. Dr.
Livingstone has given a sketch of one (‘ First Expedition,’ p. 293;.

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Chap. IV.

DISPUTES AS TO SENIORITY.

113

soldiers had set out for this ceremony there had been some dis-
pute touching command between Cimtain Joao da Cunha Pereira
and the Lieutenant Manoel dos Santos. The latter pleaded
seniority, and as he resolved to precede the former,^ whose
nomination as Captain had not been confirmed by His Excel-
lency the Captain-Ceneral of Mozambicjue, and whose commiasion
had not arrived, the dispute rose to such a height that the two
officers abused each other violently in presence of the troops
waiting to march. The Lieutenant went so far as to call the
Captain “ cullion,” and the latter showed so little proper spirit
that he at once put up with the disgrace, and next day he
became a friend of his insulter. Such was the character of most
of the members of the expedition.

November 29<A to December 2nd . — Since our arrival here
Lieutenant Manoel dos Santos suspended the issue of velorio
beads, with which, from the beginning of the journey, the
people bought their provisions : at their request, I ordered the
said beads to be issued.

3r<i. — The Eeceiver, who had been directed on the march by
the late Governor to have his accounts drawn out and ready to
be presented on our arrival at the Court, forgot all about it,
judging that his superior having died, nothing would be re-
quired. When I called for the Wance, after time enough he
gave me a list of the remaining effects in the Eoyal treasury.
But having heard of certain laches, I directed him in eight
days to produce his detailed accounts, as the list of existing
articles did not content me.*

4tt. — I was informed that Gonfalo Caetano Pereira had, by
means of his Cafifres, reported to the Fumo Anceva, intending
the Cazembe to hear of it, that I had appropriated the presents
sent to the king. He thus alluded to my having transferred
to the public account the king’s gift on the 11th ultimo,
which was in return for the present of the 7th November, and
the three tusks and two slaves sent to myself on the 28th
ultimo in return for my private gift of the same date. Having
ascertained that this bad man had been guilty of such an un-
worthy proceeding, in order to stop his calumnies, I sent the
private presents alluded to, that of the Fumo Anceva (17th
ultimo), that of the Muenempanda (21st), and that of the Sana
Muropiie (22nd), to the Eeceiver, with orders to place them in
the Eoyal treasury, and I took from him an equivalent of the
effects which I had expended.

5/A. — The Cazembe summoned the Expedition, and the

• Here begin the ignoble money-disputes, which are enough to ruin any
expedition. ^

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114 FR. PINTO’S CONTINUATION OF THE JOURNAL. Chap. IV.

soldiers to assist at a triumphal entry which he was giving to
one of his Caboceers who was returning from war.* * * § Sickness
prevented my obeying the summons. The king appeared seated
under his principal gateway, as when he gave us audience. All
being assemided, the chief in whose honour the fete was given
appeared with a few heads of those whom he had killed in battle
and some captives. When the latter had been paraded, he
began the usual dance of gladness, and as he approached the
king’s feet the monarch, in token of having been well served,
lowered tlie knife which he was holding. As the chief con-
tinued to dance, he was interrupted by a sign made by the
Cazembe to our soldiers, whose firing at the end of the cere-
mony caused him the liveliest pleasure.

6th to 6th . — A violent quarrel arose in our camp (mussassa)
between the slaves of Gonpalo Gaetano Pereira and those of
the chief sergeant, Pedro Xavier Velasco : the former would insist
on following up the latter, who, persuaded by their masters,
were retiring. I ordered Captain JoSo de Cunha Pereira to
end the tumult by sending the negroes to their quarters (in-
tembas),t and, when nothing was done, I gave directions to fire
with ball, so that a death or two might terminate the fray.
There were no bullets, but some small shot, with which the
soldiers fired a few times, and some of them retired wounded
with arrows.

At that moment appeared a Xiraro t Oaffre of the Cazembe,
who, being very drunk and mixed up with the Cafires of Gon-
falo Caetano Pereira, received one or two grains in his ribs,
and fell apparently dead by reason of his intoxication. Upon
this the original quarrel ended, and a second trouble began. The
negroes, parents and acquaintances of the fallen man, raised him
in their arms, and, weeping, brought him to me, saying that we
had killed him. The CafFre vassals of the Cazembe, our fellow-
travellers to this place, who had received at Tete the greatest
civility, were the loudest in their threats. But they w-ere
Muizas, who for that supposed death promised us real aestruc-
tion in order to get our heads. Things looking ill, I sent the
chief sergeant, Pedro Xavier Velasco, who then was most in
favour, to take or to forward an account of the accident. The
king heard it all calmly, saying that he would pronounce judg-
ment on the next day, before all the whites, who were directed
to be present.§

* The second expedition was treated to a similar spectacle, and I witnessed it at
Dahome. It is probably a part of the official programme,

t In Unyamwezi, “ tembe *’ is a large house.

X Shiraro, an officer.

§ There is sure to be some dispute of this kind : the same happened to me in

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•Chap. IV.

VISIT TO THE CAZEMBE’S PALACE.

115

9i/j. — All the whites who were able — I was still sick — went
to the court. The Cazembe, after hearing the case and approv-
ing of Pedro Xavier Velasco’s conduct, said that the strangers
were in his country, and must live in peace, leaving their
quarrels to he fought out wlien they return home ; moreover,
that, if they turned a deaf ear to this salutary advice, he would
act otherwise another time. Gonpalo Gaetano Pereira had the
indiscretion to say that on his side the dispute had not ended,
but the Cazembe, pretending not to hear him, dismissed the
assembly, telling the Caffres who had threatened us that they
were running the risk of a miserable death.

On the same day and occasion Gonpalo Gaetano Pereira, Jose
Eodrigues Caleja, and Antonio Jose da Cruz spoke privily to
the Cazembe about opening the Angola road, though, knowing
their imprudence and their wish to do everything in a huriy,
I had long before forbidden the subject. It was clear to me
that they found the Cazembe irresolute. At first he gave
leave; then, warned by the Fumo Anceva, he withdrew his
words, under pretext of the difficulties of the road ; so that be
neither granted nor promised anything. I arrested Vasco
Joaquim Pires, ensign of militia, for his intrigues on the occa-
sion of yesterday’s quarrel ; but he so managed that the Fumo
Anceva hastened to beg his release in the name of the Cazembe,
whom they thus drew into all our affairs. I at once ordered
him to be set at liberty.

lOtfe to 19<A. — The Receiver of the Royal Treasures, Manoel
dos Santos, handed me in a badly drawn up account.

20tA and 21st . — After examining the account, I transferred the
Receivership from Manoel dos Santos to Jose Rodrigues Caleja,
who was ordered to take charge of the effects belonging to the
Royal Treasury. The Fumo Anceva failed not quickly to come
and teU me that his master the Cazembe wished Manoel dos
Santos to remain in office; and when I would not consent,
seeing that the Royal Treasury had suffered enough, ho replied
if the lieutenant stole it was no matter, he would be answer-
able for the theft. Suspecting the message to be fictitious, I
promised to go at once with my reply to the Cazembe : it was
too late, however, to see the king, and the business remained
for the next day.

22nd. — According to promise, I went to the palace accom-
panied by Lieut. -Colonel Pedro Nolasco Vieira de Araujo ; the
chief sergeant Pedro Xavier Velasco; the guide, Gon^alo
Caetano Pereira, and the serjeant of ordnance, Jose Rodrigues

Dahome, and the people attempted to make a
•with a stick.

“pn’aver” becaUEe I stopped it

1 2

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110 FR. PINTO’S CONTINUATION OF THE JOURNAL. Chap. lY.

Caleja. We were at onee admitted into a circular house, a
form affected by all the Caffres of the interior ; here the Cazembe-
was seated, with many courtiers outside. All was disposed that
Ave might be alone ; nevertheless, his brother, the Sana Muropue,
his son, Muenebuto,* and some imprudent domestics remained
to gratify their curiosity.

All this ceremony was because the king had heard that we
had brought a camp-bedstead of Macao-work, and he wanted
to see it set up. Whilst we were satisfying him, he never
ceased ej'eing the curtains, which were of very light and trans-
parent silk.

When the bed was ready, the Cazembe wished to dismiss us.
I told him that a representation had to be made, and that I
ought not to leave his presence without making it. As he bade
me speak, I began by telling him that I came to answer the
“ palaver ” (milando) of the day before. Then the Fumo
Anceva, who was near, took up the thread of my discourse, and
made known to the king what ho had delivered to me yesterday
as a message in the Royal name. I took the opportunity^ of
showing the enormity of the offence, and the unworthmess
of the offender to be protected by his master, adding, that till
now the Cazembe had not known what had happened, and that
the message in his name was the result of an understanding
between the Receiver and his minister : thus the latter exposed
himself to be disbelieved when bringing even a true message.!
The Fumo replied that I had done well regarding the interests
of my Sovereign, and that I might punish the criminal and
secure the Royal Treasury as I best pleased.

23rd to 27th . — Since the guide Gonjalo Caetano Pereira and
Jose Rodrigues da Cunha had treated directly with the Cazembe
about the transit to Angola, all my endeavours through the
Sana Muropue did not progress; I therefore begged the
Cazembe to give me an audience on the next day — a request
at once granted, t

28th . — 1 went, accompanied by the two guides, to the Cazembe,
and seeing him surrounded by his court, 1 attempted to speak
with him alone, but found it impossible. This was an occasion
not to be lost : the members of the Expedition were criticising
my inaction, as if a superior were bound to satisfy the curiosity

* The heir-apparent of the Cazembe takes the title of “ Muenebuto ” for
“ Mueneputo : ” in the original misspelt “ Muembute.”
t This is the usual African trick ; the king and the minister play into each
others hands — the latter does the dirty work and the former profits by it, whilst
both are too cunning for tlie white man.

t It is very clear that the Cazembe never intended to allow transit to Angola
such a permission would have been quite contrary to all African policy.

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■Chap. IV.

ILLNESS OF THE CAZEMBE.

117

of those under him. I therefore opened the subject of the
Angola journey, when tlie king at once objected wars, famine,
and the death of Governor do Lacerda : he did not wish all the
whites to perish on the road to Angola, and to be accused of not
having warned them of their danger, and of having permitted
them to incur it. Finally, he declared that we had better return
and report his views to our Sovereign, and that if, despite these
difficulties, we were sent another time, he would “ give pass.” *

I insisted that there was neither famine nor war, and the
carriers of the Muropiie, lately arrived, had brought no such
intelligence ; that our deaths would not lie at his door, even as
we blame no one for the Governor’s decease, well knowing that
all must die, without the intervention of anything extra-
ordinary.t Finally, I said that, in our desire to open the road,
two whites would remain after the departure of the Expedition,
with the view of passing to Angola when the carriers sent to
ascertain about the way might return.

2\Hh to 31sL — The Cazemhe began to feel sick, w ith acute pains
in the head, which presently extended over the body.

Section 2. — Continuation of the Diary from the beginning of the Year 1799,
to February 17, 1799.

January ls< to 3rd, 1799. — Jo.=d Eodrigues Calcja presented to
me a general requisition, begging that the comestibles might be
divid^ amongst the members of the Expedition; and that, pro-
visions being damageable goods, each one wished to take care of
his own portion. I ordered this to be done.

Ath and bth . — The Cazembe’s sickness so increased that his
recovery was doubted, and knowing his dangerous state, he
repeatedly recommended, should he die, his son, his brother,
and his chiefs, in no way to molest the whites (Muzungus), who
being traders are privileged people.J His physicians were un-
wearied in sacrificing as many human victims as possible to
their fancies or barbarous politics. They went forth at morning,
at noon, and at 10 p.m., beating their tambourines on the road,
and all those at whom they pointed were seized as wizards and
unsparingly slain.§ With the king’s malady our fears increased ;

* Another very transparent “ dodge,” apparent to every cxperioiiced African.
Gcicle, King of Dnhome, acted precisely in the sumo way when I wished to cross ‘
bis northern frontier.

t On tlie other luiml, as has been remarked, these Africans, like all savages and
barbarians, believe that no man dies except by witchcraft or other csiosc.

1 Had the Cazembo died, probably the whole expedition would have been
molested.

§ Compare with this T)r.LivingBtone'aetatemcut''‘Second Expedition, ’chap, xxv.) :

'• In one remote and small comer of the country, called IJahomcy, tlie African

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118 FB. riNTO’S CONTINUATIOK OF THE JOURNAL. Chap. IT..

we knew that in case of his death, despite his good word, we
could not avoid the robbery general throughout the kingdom —
it being a CatFre practice to celebrate the deaths of great men
by theft, and the nigher is the deceased’s rank, the greater is
the disorder. I therefore ordered a sufficiency of ball-cartridges
to be prepared.*

GfA to 8ih . — For the purpose of promoting good fellowship, I had
kept up a general mess : at the end of a month no one attended.
My party at once demanded cloth to buy rations. I referred to
the Receiver, who being the author of the requisition, at once
replied that it was only reasonable. Thereupon I sent to
settle the quantity required for each person.

Qth . — This point determined, I ordered the Receiver to supply
each person with ten cloths per mensem.

lOw to 13fA. — The Cazembe had tlirown off his malady, but
had not appeared in public. Gaetano Fabiao, chief of squadron,
when ordered to proceed with despatches for the Government
of Tete, went to take leave of the king in hope of a present.
The Cazembe, after ascertaining that the object of his journey
was to report the Governor’s death, gave him an ivory weighing
more than 80 lbs. He added, that, being ignorant of writing,
this was his letter reporting to the actual Governor the unhappy
news of the death of the Geral (General) t — so governors are
called by Caffres. The tusk was taken by the Receiver, Jose
Rodrigues Caleja.

14<A to 18fA. — The Sana Muropue, the king’s brother (nephew?)
came to my quarters as invited, to discuss a project of free-trade.
After showing him all its benefits to the king and the country,
I begged his interest with the Cazembe, before whom the affair
must come at last. He promised me his assistance.

19fA and 20ih . — Amongst the dried fish brought by the Caffres
for sale, appeared garfipas,^ bagre, and rock fish, all peculiar to
salt water. After inquiry, I found that at the place where the

religion has degenerated into a bloody superstition.” Has the -writer never beard
of Asiante and of Benin, of Uganda or of Unyoro? Again we read, ” this reckless
disregard of human life mentioned by Speke and Grant is quite exceptional.”
Exceptional I If Dr. Livingstone had taken the trouble to read my book on the
‘ Lake Regions,’ he would have found how exceptional is the “ mildness ” of
the African religion.

• This anarchy and tumult after the sovereim’s death are not without a cause.
The savage Soluns have instituted it in order to accelerate the choice of a
successor, and to read a practical lesson touching the benefits of the twin forms of
tyranny, despotism, and democracy.

t The next expedition, in 1831-32, found Dr. de Lacerda remembered as the
“Geral.”

1 The Garoupa of Madeira is a small fish much prized. The “ Bagre ” in the
dictionaries is a long fish with a forked tail, and Rock fish is too vague to
ascertain species.

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Chap. IV.

CONVALESCENCE OF THE CAZEMBE.

119

Xibuiri (Shibuiri) or son-in-law of the Cazembe lived, and where he
had fled after killing four Caffre head-traders sent by the Angola
merchants, there is a salt-water river, called Nhanza-Mpote,*
which ebbs and flows. The distance from the Cazembe’s court
to the Chumbo is, according to the Cafifres, one month’s travel,
which we may reckon to be 15 days, as they walk only three
hours per diem. Thence to the Muropuo are eight short or four
long stages, and the same to Mueneputo,t the king nearest
Angola.

Perhaps that river may be the Coanza, and we have left
behind us the Conenis for want of astronomical observations.
This, however, and other interesting points, must remain
unsettled ; such were the hurry and impetuosity of the Governor
de Lacerda, and so wild and disorderly is the present party.

21st to 26th. — The Caffres of Lieutenant Antonio Jose da Cruz
pursued the country negresses who came to sell flour, maize,
and millet, and stole sundry cobs of Indian corn. This they
have done before, and not without their master’s knowledge:
hearing of it, I asked him to chastise them for conduct which
might bring us into great trouble.

21th . — The Fumo Anceva appeared with a message from the
Cazembe, complaining that certain Caffres of our party, not
content with running over all the plantations (mundas) and
crops (searas), had carried their insolence so far as to plunder
the property of his wives, which the latter would not suffer.
He had therefore determined to divide a plot of manioc amongst
the whites and their slaves (checundas),^ the captives and hatf-
civilized property of those dwelling at the Rios de Sena. Thus
on the next day all the slaves were summoned for muster, in
order that each might carry away his master’s share. I satis-
fied the complaint to the best of my ability, and I accepted the
offer, admiring the king’s generosity.

January 28th to I^bruary 4th . — On the latter day the Ca-
zembe showed himself convalescent to his people, who received
him with palm-clappings, with shouts of joy, and with concerts
of marimbas and other instruments. Vasco Joaquim Fires showed
his libertinism by saying that he wanted no mass, and from
that day forth he never attended divine service. To-day I heard

* Which we shoald write Nyenza-Mpnto. The “ water of Portagal ” vsnally
moans the Sea of Angola. The Shibuiri is clearly the “ Quiburi," then brother-
iu-law of the Cazembe, and described by the Pombeiros.

t The ‘ Second Expedition ’ also mentions a king called Muenenpnto, near the
Muropue ; whilst the traveller J. Bodri^es Gra^a says that the Muenenputo das
Praias obeys the Matiamvo (MwAta yi Nvo).

X Properly meaning Cuffre slaves speaking Portugnese. Dr. Kirk informs me
that only Uie chief of a trading expedition is so named. But Monteiro and
Gamitto (p. H) say, “ Aos escravos chamam Checunda.”

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120 FR. PINTO’S CONTINUATION OF THE JOURNAL. Chap. IV.

that all the Caffres were freely selling their stores of ivory and
slaves (merendas).

bth to ^th . — Jose Rodrigues Caleja informed me that Pedro
Xavier Velasco was still intriguing with the Cazembe to pre-
vent our passing on to Angola. His reason was, that by
the Governor’s death he had lost the chance of certain ad-
vantages promised to him in case of success. As Jose Rodrigues
Caleja said he could prove the charge, and offered to swear to it,
I ordered the members of the expedition to send in their attes-
tations on oath, with a view of documenting so extraordinary a
proceeding.

10<A to llth . — The same Jose Rodrigues Caleja, despising
my prohibition and taking up, with the greatest imprudence,
the subject of our advance to Angola, asked me to go with him
about the matter to the Muenempanda, the influential war-chief
of the Cazembe. When I asked him his ground for ex-
pecting success from such proceedings, he simply replied that
they were necessary. Not wishing to involve myself in his
imprudence, I refused to go ; but, as he had proceeded so far,
I authorized him, accompanied by Gonpalo Caetano Pereira
and by Lieutenant Antonio Jos4 da Cruz, to take a piece of
cloth as an unasked “ mouth ” to the Caboceer. They carried
with tliem the Fumo Anceva: the latter, and the Muenempanda,
after long debate touching the difficulties, promised that day to
speak with the Cazembe, and informed the whites that they
must appear on the morrow before the king, with a certainty of
their request being granted.*

\2ih . — Sickness having hitherto prevented my personally
congratulating the Cazembe on his recovery, I begged audience
of him, and he replied that he would receive me on the evening
of that day. Accordingly, at 2 p.m., I went to the palace, but,
as the king, together with his grandees, was in the assembly
of Pombe,t the porters would not allow me to pass the first
gate, and quickly shut it. I spent an hour and a-half at the
entrance, to prove that I had not missed my appointment,
when cerlain grandees came out and showed themselves con-
cerned by my waiting, without, however, being able to remedy
it. At last appeared the Prince Muenebuto sufficiently dis-
guised in beer. As he wished to carry me before his father,
his uncle (cousin ?), the Sana Muropue, whose head was cooler.

• It need barJly be remarked that the idea never once entered either black
head.

t “ Sitting on Pombe " is the Kisawahili phrase, meaning that he was
“ drinking for drank ” native beer : most African chiefs in the interior do this
regularly every day after noon. Monteiro and Gamitto (p. 2‘Jl) say, “ estar no
Pombe.”

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CnAr. IV. REVOCATION OF LEAVE OP DEPARTURE.

121

prevented this proceeding and took me to his own house. He
apologised for the porters, assured me that his brother (uncle ?)
had not heard of my coming, and, finally, he declared to me
that the king, being in his Pombe, could not have spoken
>vith me.*

13<A. — Jose Tlodrigues Caleja told me that the Cazembe had
summoned the whites for the next day, intending to concede
transit through his country to Angola ; and that he wished to
see those chosen for the journey. As it appeared that some
<liflSculty might be caused by sending Pedro Xavier Velasco,
who was personally distasteful to the Cazembe, I nominated in
his stead Lieutenant Jose Vicente Pereira Salema.

\Ath . — I went with all the whites to the palace, and we were
at once conducted to the place where the king was giving
audience to his Caboceers and people. He was, they told me,
admonishing them to abandon and abominate the crime of
sorcery, to which he attributed all his illness. Having waited
half-an-hour till this levee ended we followed the king, who
passed into another place. There he inquired for the envoys,
Lieutenant-Colonel Pedro Nolasco Vieira de Araujo, chosen by
Oovernor de Lacerda and Lieutenant Jose Vicente Pereira
Salema. Having seen and recognized them, he entered into
the former diflRculties, beginning with the Governor’s death and
ending with the scarcity on the road. Jose Eodrigues Caleja
at once assured the king that, being ordered by Her Most
Faithful Majesty to execute the journey at every risk, the
envoys would go, if it cost all their, lives. The Cazembe turned
in wonder to his people : exclaimed “ Truly these messengers
greatly fear and respect their Sovereign, not even objecting to
incur death." Then, continuing the address to us, he granted
the wished-for leave to the two envoys ; and promised guides
to the Muropue, cautioning us, however, not to delay, as his
messengers were ready to depart.! I acknowledged the kind-
ness, and we retired to make preparations, whilst the others, on
their side, showed no less activity. J

15th. — At 9 A.M. came the Fumo Anceva and his party,
requesting me to assemble the whites, as he had a matter to
lay before them. When this was done, he declared that the
Cazembe had revoked his permission of yesterday : it was not
right for us, on our first visit to his country, to carry out this
project ; we must return to Tete and report to our Sovereign
the troubles and dangers of such an undertaking ; and then, if

* At last, the truth !

t The form “lie circumstantial ” is instinctively a prime favourite with Africans.

I A mere pretence, as will presently appear.

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122 FR. PINTO’S CONTINUA'nON OF THE JOURNAL. Chap. IV.

we were again sent, we should have his leave and assistance.
He concluded with saying that the ardour with which I, Gonjalo’
Gaetano Pereira, and Jos4 Eodrigues Caleja, had entered into
the affair had estranged the king’s heart, and that we had,
shown but little judgmeut.

Such a message was not from the Cazembe. The Fumo
Anceva made me come to the ball, as they say, either because
he thought that I, as Commandant, had egged on the other two,,
or because, having taken an aversion to me, he wanted the
chance of snubbing me, or because he feared that I might
report his evil doings to the Cazembe. After consulting those
present, I replied to the Fumo Anceva that we had not looked
for the Sovereign breaking his word, such never being the
custom of the kings (Mambos), but that, after mature delibe-
ration in a case so new to us, we would send a reply. I said no
more, hoping that the Cazembe would hesitate to tarnish his
name by a breach of faith and would withdraw the prohibition.
Jose Eodrigues Caleja announced to me that Pedro Xavier
Velasco, having gone yesterday at noon to visit the Cazembe,
the porters had shut the door in his face.

16th . — At 10 A.M., the Sana Muropue took his seat outside
my door, and requested that I would muster the whites to hear
his message. This was done when Jose Rodrigues Caleja, assum-
ing a prophetic strain, declared that he knew the business to be
a demand for the presents (mirambos) destined for the Muro-
pue, the Mueneputo, and the minor chiefs on the way to
Angola. His conjecture, however, proved to be untrue. The
Sana Muropue told us all at once tnat the Cazembe had sent
him to verify the message yesterday delivered to the Fuma
Anceva in his own presence, and that, seeing our readiness to
rush into danger, he would not allow us passage to Angola till
our second visit. Moreover, the king found it hard that he who,
opening the roads which had been closed by Chibuy, Governing
Fumo of the Muizas, had sent his vassals to buy cloth, and to
bring whites with much treasure to his kingdom, should see
such valuables pass out of it.*

When the message was over, Jose Rodrigues Caleja caused
it to be explained to the Sana Muropue that the whites
also did not wish to expose their lives for the purpose of
death, and that they returned thanks to the Cazembe. I at
once stopped the message, asking Jos4 Eodrigues Caleja
how it agreed with what he had spoken on the 14th instant,
in presence of the Cazembe and his chiefs. Ashamed of his

* This again is the truth comiug out at last Jose Rodrigues Caleja had
doubtless been intriguing to bring it about.

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Chap. IV.

ARROGANCE OF THE FDMO ANCEVA.

123

rashness and cowardice, he changed colour and held his
peace. Having taken all the votes, they were unanimous for
our acting according to the Cazembe’s wishes. This did not
quite please me, but, to gain time, I assented. The mild
address of the Sana Muropue giving me an opportunity to

E uhlish the insuflferablo arrogance with wliich the Jnimo Anceva
ad spoken yesterday, I a^ed him, before replying, if the
Cazemoe really held me to be a man of as little judgment as
his officer had declared ; also, if it was true, as the same person
had asserted, to a Caffre linguist of Gon9alo Gaetano Pereira,
that, had the whites (Muzungos) been Muizas, the king would
have cut off their heads.

Here all my party present showed their timidity and their
habits of murmuring ; even unto openly asking me whether I
wanted satisfaction from the Cazembe or from the Fumo
Anceva. Not heeding their criticisms, I ordered my question to
be put to the Fumo Anceva, who denied the whole, declaring it
an imposture. After this reply, which showed to all the
confusion of the proud Caffre, I sent to say to the Sana
Muropue, that I had never expected the kii^ to break his word,
a thing impossible even amongst the Came chiefs near his
country ; but that, as the king desired it, we would speak no
more about Angola. He left us, and on the evening of that
day I proceeded to a judicial inquiry upon the subject of Pedro
Xavier Velasco’s offences.

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( 124 )

CHAPTER V. ,

Continuation op thb Chaplain’s Diary prom February 17, 1799,
TO THE Time op Preparino por the Return March.

Fdn-itary 17, 1799. — At 8 a.m. the Sana Muropue returned
to my house, and, in presence of all the whites, delivered a
message from the Cazembe, that, as there was no more talk of
*Vngola, he wanted the now superfluous presents intended for
the Muropue and the Mueneputo.* I put it to the vote of
all : they were in a panic lest I should refuse : knowing the
demand would be made, they augured the worst ; some, for fear
of being plundered and stripped, could not sleep at night.
Lieut.-Oolonel Pedro Velasco (sic pro Nolasco) Vieira d’ Araujo,
the chief sergeant Pedro Xavier Yelastfo, and Antonio Jose da
Cruz, were the only oflScers who did not show fear.

All being of one opinion, namely, that refusal would be
dangerous, I was obliged to consent ; but before doing so, I
inquired of the 8ana Muropue what the Cazembe meant by
such a claim ; he replied it was all done in good friendship. I
added that the presents should be put into his hands, not into
those of the Fumo Anceva, as tlie latter had received a con-
siderable gift in the name of our sovereign, and we did not
know whether it had reached its destination. Moreover, that
besides plundering what was given to his master, he robbed
what the Cazembe sent to his friends and relatives (buenozes).
But I insisted that in presence of the king the first present should
be referred to. The Fumo Anceva changed colour, now deny-
ing that he had received the gift, then affirming that he had
given up all to his master. The Sana Muropue confirmed this
last assertion, and relieved the Caffre whose guilt was evident ;
either to please the Cazembe who much affected his minister,
or to draw him from a confusion which also fell upon all the
nation (Murundasl.t Yet I persisted that the present gift
should be reportea before delivery, and to that purpose I sent

• This was one of the strongest reasons for the transit not being allowed. The
message was delivered by the apparent friend of tlie party, the Sana Muropue,
after the bully Fumo Anceva had been allowed to frigljten them. All was
perfectly en re.jle,

t Monteiro and Gamitto (p. 243) call the people generally Lundas, Murundus,
or Arundas.

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Chap. V.

PKIXCE MUENEBUTO.

125

the lieutenant, Antonio Jose da Cruz, who could not, however,
find the Cazembe at liome. Tlie poor king has the naivete tO’
believe that over-zeal for his interests makes the Fumo Aneeva,
who is the greatest thief in his dominions, suffer from our false
charges. I was therefore obliged to deliver the present with-
out further ado, and without verifying the delivery of tlie
former gilt, a fact committed to paper and signed by all the
party.* In the evening I began to inquire into the misdemeanour
of Pedro Xavier Velasco.

\Sthr-2\st. — There was drumming and dancing (tombocafao),
which other Caffres of these parts call “Pemberafao,”t between
Prince Muenebuto and his brother-in-law Chibuery, already
alluded to on January 20th. The Cazembe was present with his
usual dignity, but guarded by armed Caffres, as the prince
danced with his large knife drawn in order to touch with it
that of his father, a sign of honour and respect. The Cazembe,
however, thus favoured only his son. The ceremony took place
in the open space before the principal gate of the palace, a
great crowd of people having instruments collected, and there
also were our troops, for whom the Cazembe sent, and whoso
discharge of musketry he himself directed. It was said that
this fete was to celebrate his having closed once for all the
Angola road, so as to increase his connection with Tete, whence
their best things came. This was not confirmed, as they do not
wish to break off with Angola.

I will now describe Muenebuto the prince, and his Murundas.
Muenebuto is tall, good-looking, and well proportioned ; his ex-
pression is pleasing, nay, almost always cheerful and smiling ; he
cares only for amusement, and his age — twenty years — permits
nothing else. On the contrary, the Cazembe shows gravity
and inspires respect ; he also is tall, and well built, and his age
may be about fifty. As he has many wives — the greatest sign
of Caffre dignity — he becomes every year the father of two,
three, or four children. He is very generous at times in giving
slaves and pieces of cloth to his vassals, as well as to strangers
and whites, when he is not set against them ; and every day
he sent the Muzungos money and different presents of pro-
visions, captives, ivory or copper bars, in proportion to their
offerings of cloth and beads, and according to his regard for them.

He is severe ; death, or at least amputation of the hand, being

* Those who have not travelled in A fries often wonder at all the importance
attached to these trifling presents. But the fact is that without snpnlies the
journey is brought to a dead stop, nut taking into account tiro hardsnips and
suflerings of return. The explorer, tiicreforo, must fight for every cubit of cloth,
and this is,'perhaps, the severest part of his task,
t Native festivitioB, including drinking and cancan.

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126 FR. PINTO’S CONTINUATION OF THE JOURNAL. Chap. V.

the usual punishment. He is barbarous ; every new moon ho
causes a Cafifre to be killed by his medicine-man, and with the
victim’s blood, heart, and part of the entrails, they make up his
medicine, always mixing it with oil. When these charms are
prepared, they are inserted into the horns of various animals,
and even into scrivellos, which are closed with stoppers of
wood or cloth. These fetishes are distributed about his palace
and courts ; they are hung to the doors, and for fear of sorcery
the king never speaks to any one without some of these horns
lying at his feet.*

He holds assemblies of his chiefs, who are invited to drink
pombe, or miUet-beer, which is mixed with other pulse or not,
as each man’s taste is. These drinkings begin with the full
moon, and continue to the end ; they commence daily at or
before 1 P.M., and they last two hours. All those present drink
as much as they please, but should any one vomit in the
assembly, the wretch is instantly put to death. Though
superstition-ridden, like all these people, the Cazembe is not
so much so as are others. He visits no one in person, and
never leaves his palace to walk ; he has the name of being
proud, but his people make him inconsistent.

The subjects (Murundas), who say that sixty years ago they
came from the Western regions and established themselves in
the lauds of the conquered Vaciras (Messiras), are of the same
nation as the Cazembe, whose rites and customs they follow.

Usually the men are tall, dark, well made, and good-looking ;
they tattoo (incise), but do not paint their bodies, nor do they
jag their teeth. Their dress is a cloth extending from the
waist to the knees, which are exposed by the garment being
raised in front ; it is girt by a leathern belt, 4 to 10 fingers
broad. Their gala-dress is called “ Muconzo t it is of woollen
or cotton, but it must be black. To make it they cut a piece
5^ fathoms, or a little less in length, and if it be too short
they add a bit of the same quality ; the breadth is 2^ hands,
and if wider it is reduced to that size. It must be finished
with a full edging, which increases it in all parts ; this border
is made of three strips of a different cloth, each 4 fingers
broad. W'^hen the colour is red, for instance, the middle is
white; it is yellow if the middle be red or white. Finally,
they diversify these strips as they please, always taking care
that the colour differs from the body or the principal part of the
cloth. When putting on the “ Muconzo,” they cover the waist

* Small horns of goats and antelopes are thus used in Unyamwezi, stuffed with
thin iron wire ; in (>ngo with strips of cloth.

t Monteiro and Gamitto (p. 238) call it MucOnzo and Mocunzo.

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Chap. V.

THE MUEUHDAS.

127

and legs, finishing at the front of the person with a great band
of artificial pleats ; and the larger it is, the grander is the garb.
For arm-ornaments they use strings of fine beads like bracelets;
their feet are covered with strung cowries, large opaque stone-
ware beads (pedras de cores), and white or red porcelains
{velorios). Over their combed head-dresses, which are of many
braids, large and small, they wear a cap (carapufa), covered with
exquisite birds’-plumes ; the locks are also striped (barradellas)
with a certain clay, which, when dry, resembles the levigated
sandal-wood used by the Moors and Gentoos (Hindus) ; the
stripes, however, are only on the crown and temples (molleira).
Others rub their bodies upon the waist and upwards to the hair
with a certain vermilion (vermelhao),* here common.

Such is the gala dress. Their every-day clothing is a little
cloth, 1^ to 2 fathoms long, with or without a border of a single
strip; others wear bark cloth, like the Muizas, or edgeless
cotton ; and finally, coarse native cotton (maxilas de Gondo),t as
each one has or can afford.

As usual the women dress better than the men, as to the
kind of cloth, which is of wool (collomanha) or similar stuff.
They also use, like the males, strings of many sorts of beads, to
cover their ankles, but they are not so fond of cowries or por-
celain (velorio). Their coiffure is unlike that of the men; they
cut off all the hair, leaving a little lock in the middle, which in
time, growing long, serves to support a kind of diadem; the
rest of the hair, when it grows, forming sundry lines of short
braid. Their ordinary dress is extremely poor, consisting of one
very small cloth. These women, who also can be sold by
their husbands, lead the lives of slaves, doing all the labour of
domestic slavery.

The Murundas,t like other peoples of this country, have
no (practical) religion. They recognize the existence of a
sovereign creator of the world, and call him “ Reza,” but they
consider him a tyrant that permits his creatures’ death. They
have groat veneration for their Azimos (murimos), or dead,
whom they consult on all occasions of war or good fortune.
The Caffre servants of any Mo5aza,§ or place in which a king is
buried, have many privileges. The Azimos require offerings of

• It has previously been described as being wood-jxjwder.
t The expression is fully explained in the diary of June 20-23. Dr. Kirk says
that a “Maxilado garda” is a hammock of native cloth. “Maxila de Gondo”
is a stuff so coarse that hammocks can bo mailo of it. Hence Monteiro and
Gamitto (p. 70) call the coarse cotton cloth made by tho Marave, “Manxila.”
See June 20-23, 1799, where the Chaplain explains the words,
t In the original misprinted “ Mosundas."

§ Mussassa is a camp : here it must be the burial-place before called M&xi mo.

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128 FR. PINTO’S CONTINUATION OF THE JOURNAL. Chap. V,

provisions, as dough (massa), a food made of manioc flour, to stew
with the porridge, which in the Brazil is called Angu ; of quiriapa
(any mess of meat, fish, or herbs), and of pombe, the millet-beer
before described. They greatly respect what the oracle says to
them. Their sons are circumcised between the ages of fourteen
and eighteen,* and they affect polygamy, which they regard as
their greatness, much wondering at the one-wife marriage of
the whites.

Their unions are effected without ceremony; the would-be
husband goes to the father or guardian of the girl, who may be
quite a child, and with him arranges the dowry in cloths, which,
if great, may reach a dozen. After this arrangement, called
betrothal (roboracpao), the payment being left to the bride-
groom’s convenience, they arrange a day for leading home the
bride, who, until of nubile years, remains with her parents.
Consummation is done thus: carried by the horse of some
Caffre, and accompanied by her female relations and friends,
beating drums, the bride is escorted to near the bridegroom’s
house, and when close to it they send him word that they bring
his wife. This done, they drum and dance till some velorio
beads are sent to them, after which they advance two paces or
so, and stop till they get more. Thus, on his marriage-day, the
poor Caffre must not only strip himself, but also go out borrow-
ing, to show that he has given all his own. Seeing nothing
more come, they inspect the sum offered them, then they ad-
vance nearer, and at length they hand over tbe bride to the
chief wife and her companions, and retire to their homes, leav-
ing her in tears. As the Caffres may buy an unlimited number
of spouses, even their slaves being wives to them, they choose
one, and call her the great woman, and she is the most respected.
Her peculiar duties are to preserve the husband’s wardrobe and
medicines, and to apply the latter when required ; without using
them no one goes to war, to hunt, or to travel, or, indeed, on
any important business.

The funerals of these people are proportioned to the means
of the deceased. Their pomp consists m the great cortege by
which the body is borne to the grave, and in the quantity of
food and drink expended upon tbe crowd of people, who sing
and dance to the sound of drums. If the deceased be a king,
he must carry with him all that he possesses, with slaves to
serve him and women for his pleasures.! Throughout his

* In Dahomey this rite is deferred often till the twentieth year, and then it
hi comes dangerous. I have repeatedly recorded my opinion that it is of African
origin, horrowed by the Jews from the negroid race.

t This, pause Dr. livingetone, is still the general practice of Negroland, but it

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Chap. V.

COUNTRY OF THE MURUNDAS.

129

dominions robberies and disorder (cleirero) are allowed for ten
or fifteen days, or even more. Their deadliest crimes arc witch-
craft, adultery, and theft. The first, and the most enormous, is
.always punished capitally; the second sometimes, but more
often by mutilation of the hands, the ears, and the offending
member. They are less severe with the women, as a rule, but
some plaintiffs are not satisfied except by death. Although
they cut off the thief’s hands and ears, many wretches have
exposed themselves to such mutilation.

The soil of this land is fertile, and would produce all that the
people want ; there are many bunds of food, but the principal
is manioc. They eat it in dough, toasted and boiled and even
raw ; and they drink it in pombe with a little mixture of millet.
Manioc flour for dough is easily made in the following way :
after gathering the root, they peel it, and soak it in a stream for
three days ; on the fourth, when it is almost rotten, they dry it
an the summer sun, or in winter over a fire which they light
under the cots used for this purpose ; and, finally, they pound it
in a tree-trunk mortar. We may say that they are collecting
and sowing this root all the year round, but the narvest is when
provision is wholly wanting. At such, times they dig up a
small quantity to last for a few days, and in its stead they bury
a few bits of stalk which act as seed. The rains are abundant
and regular. Fruits are few, except bananas of many kinds : of
live stock, poultry is the most plentiful and goats are rare.
Game and fish suffice, but they cannot salt their provision, so
to keep it they dry it with fire and smoke, making it unfit for us
to eat The black cattle is well flavoured, but only the king
keeps them in certain places, to show his greatness : he does not
cat their flesh, saying that they are Fumos, like himself; also
he does not milk them, not knowing how, so the cows are almost
wld. Here we find traces of the Metempsychosis theory.*
With this idea the king sends his cattle as gifts to his guests,
and when they die or are killed for injurin" millet fields — these
animals pasture by night and sleep by day — he divides the
meat amongst his people, who, not considering them, like their
king, great Fumos, eat them unscrupulously. Cow leather
makes their girdles, that of other horned cattle their dress,
and cows’ blood enters into their medicines. Therefore they
sent us only dead and skinned animals.

There may be many articles of trade, but it is now confined

is not confined to that part of the world. Perhaps wo may better define it, “ tlio
general concomitant of a particular phase of society. ’

* Superficial observers often confound the highly philosophical and com-
plicated theory of metempsychosis with the vulgar metamorphosis of the savago
AiKcan.

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130 FB. PINTO’S CONTINUATION OF THE JOURNAL. Chap. V,

to two — ivor)' and slaves. A tusk of 32 lbs. to 48 lbs. costs
2 to 3 pieces of cloth, the piece being to 2 fathoms long,
and ten couros.* The tusk of 80 lbs. to 06 lbs. is worth 5 to 0
pieces, wth a little couro or velorio. There are copper bars sold
for four common cloths, or pagnes (pannos de fato), or 40 to 50
couros ; the small bars cost as a rule one cloth’s worth of mis-
sanga. Uncut greenstone (malachite t) of different sizes is sold
cheap, but tlie two latter articles are not indigenous.

22nd. — The Sana 3Iuropue took away, in presence of all the
whites, the gifts destined for the Muropiie and the Mueneputo,
as was promised at our assembly on the 17th instant.

23rd. — Having ordered Lieutenant Antonio Jose da Cruz,
commandant of the troops, to chastise a soldier urith forty blows,
he not only disobeyed me, but he also falsely reported liaving
carried out my orders.

February 2ith to March Isf. — The men, instigated by their
officers, demanded an advance of three months’ pay, which I sent
to them without receiving any reply.

2nd-Ath . — I gave Pedro Xavier Velasco leave to go back to
Tete, not only at his request, but because I wished to avoid the
disgust shown by all the Expedition to the Cazembe, with whom,
it is said, this arrangement of return had been made in anticipa-
tion of my desires. Jose Eodrigues Caleja, hearing this, wished
to interfere and exceeding his duties as guide and Eeceiver of the
Treasury, he addressed me a note in which, after a fashion, he
made himself accessory to the command. As I took no notice
of his false reasonings, ne began to show me aversion and to seek
his revenge.

bih . — The manioc grown in the land which the Cazembe had
offered to the whites (muzungos) on the 27th January was divided,
but their carelessness prevented them sending their slaves (che-
cundns) to receive the portion appertaining to them.

&h-9th . — Loud murmurs arose about the Expedition arriving
at the Cazembe’s city — which it could not at once leave — during
the early month of January, when the evils caused by the wet
season and the country rendered a long rest necessary. As Jose
Eodrigues Caleja, by declaring me to be the cause of the delay
and of their consequent sufferings, showed signs of stirring up
against me even the most indifferent, I assembled all the whites.
They knew what were my reasons for wintering here, so I
resolved that each should separately declare his opinion touch-
ing our inaction, whether it could have been avoided or not and

* From the context it woald nppear that these couros are some kind of head,
t Monteiro and Gamitto (p. 283) mention malachite malaquites,” which tho
Cnzembes call “chifuvia/* I have seen fine copper from the Cazembe’s country.

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Chap. V.

DIFFICULTIES WITH SUBORDINATES.

131

liow. I told the writer, or notary, to take the paper in whicli
all had recorded their opinions, to draw it up in legal form, and
to get their signatures. It was late when we separated, and
tlie scribe was not skilled enough to draft the deed without
the aid of others. He went to Jose Kodrigues Caleja, being of
that party, and \vith him falsified not only Caleja's vote out
also that of Vasco Joaquim Hires, as is proved in the forged
paper. I was disregarded by Captain Joao da Cunha Pereira,
and when I wished to punish him there and then he would not
be arrested, nay, with threats he declared that His Excellency,
the Captain-General of Mozambique, should not deprive him of
his receivership, as had been done to Lieut. Manoel dos Santos
Silva.

As I had little power, nothing was effected. I asked Gonjalo
Caetano Pereira, the first guide, how to ascertain from Chinhimba
and Mossindassaro the deficiency of the loads entrusted to
them for carriage to the Cazembe’s court. He replied, in the
presence of many, that this must be done with the beneplacet
of the king, whose vassals they were. Finding the answer
reasonable, I entrusted to him the business, which he undertook
promptly and with good will.

lOfA. — Lieutenant Antonio Jose da Cruz, when ordered to
attest in writing the refusal of Captain Joao da Cunha Pereira
to submit to arrest yesterday, gave in his attestation which
denied all that had happened.

Wth-lAth . — Gonfalo Caetano Pereira, whom I had resolved to
send on the 8th instant to the Cazembe in tlie matter of
Mossindassaro and Chinhimba, when asked by Jose Rodrigues
Caleja not to delay, excused himself by means of his Caflfre
Inharugue, saying that the latter did not wish to bear any
message to the Cazembe. The most embarrassing thing is, that
they try to lay the blame upon me, when at the same time they
bar my road to the king, and they prevent the two Caflfres
obeying aU my summons. At last I tried every effort to send
some other person on this errand to the king, who deferred it till
the morrow.

Ibth . — Sending back to the Cazembe the messenger who had
returned yesterday, I heard to-day that the king was pleased
with my calling up and examining the two Caflfres before men-
tioned. When they declined to obey my summons I reported
the fact to the king, begging that his messenger would conduct
them into my presence. He promised but he never performed,
which I attributed to the intrigues of Caleja- This man, under
colour of benefiting D. Francisca Josefa of Tete, whose niece
he had married, declared that the late Governor de Lacerda,
who had taken charge of that lady’s venture, and whose death

K 2

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132 FK. riKTO’S CONTINUATION OF THE JOURNAL. Chap. V.

liad caused the goods to be confused, had concealed by
means of the Mossindassaro, six bales (moteros •) of cloth, and
had changed the mark or mixed the articles, removing 150
pannos and two bags (guissapos)t of velorio beads. These he
had wished to make over to D. Francisca’s slave, Candeone, in
order to exchange for ivorj\ And this was done with the
knowledge of the governor’s managing man, whose duty it was
to take charge of those articles, pretexting the report spread by
Jose Kodrigues Caleja that the manager had wished to appro-
priate the said spoils. This trick of Jose Eodrigues Caleja’s
was very ingenious, for not only was that Cafifre encouraged to
conceal 912 more cloths (pagnes) of royal property, but Chin-
himba, the other Caffre messenger, also took heart successfully
to embezzle from the Crown 456 cloths, three bags (guissapos) of
velorio, two ditto of (red) beads, and one of cowriea

— Jos6 I^rigues Caleja was always imposing upon
them the necessity of giving the Cazembe time to prepare for our
departure. The others being sick, I directed him to go with a
“ mouth ” or parcel of cloth and to make preparations, at the
same time reviving the matter of the two Caffres. The Cazembe
received him well, and said that he knew — the winter now being
over — that the Expedition would wish to return to Tete. As
regards the defaulting Caffre, he said that the whites had allowed
a long time to pass in silence, and had finally received every-
thing. The first part of this reply could not have come from
a Caffre, who all hold that the palaver (milando) never dies, nor
wastes, but is kept up till “ settled ” from generation to genera-
tion. So I resolved either that the king had not said it, or had
been taught to say it by Jose Rodrigues Caleja. The affair
was not pushed further, because it was not advisable to call
Chinimba to account until the appearance of Mossindassaro,
who would hear of it from the Cazembe and conceal himself.

22tlir-ZQth. — I gave the said Caffres some small quantity of
clothing for which they asked, thus hoping to assemble them
and to elicit something about the hidden goods.

31s<. — The Cazembe sent me the chair enclosed in his pre-
sent (mirambo), begging me to have it lined with “cherves,”t
which was done at once.

April \st-lih . — By an accidental fire eight of my slaves were
burned in their own huts; many of the Expedition rejoiced
thereat, and a certain Jose Thomaz Gomes da Silveira, openly

* This is afterwards explained to be one-third of 456 cloths, that is to say,
each 152 cloths.

+ The word “ guissapo” means a bag of bamboo rind or grass cloth. Montciro
and Gamitto (p. 195) speak of “ um Quissapo, saceo feito de palma.”

J Dr. Kirk could not inform me what kind of cloth " cherves ” is.

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Chap. V.

CONSPIRACY AMONG SUBORDINATES.

133

wished that the accident had taken place in my house. I report
this and other things, which do not exactly relate to the service
of the Crown, both to carry out my instructions and to show the
character of my subordinates.

8th-9th . — The Cazembe forbade the whites, who had begun
their cabals greatly to his disgust, all intercourse with him,
thus avoiding their impertinences, and he wondered at our
disunion.

10<h, — Jose Eodrigues Caleja, an old enemy of Lieutenant
Manoel dos Santos e Silva, with wliom he appeared friendly
only when wishing to insult me, after visiting him in his sick-
ness, declared to me that he wished for death, and that if he
knew of anything to end his life he would take it.

1KA-12<L — I had some inklings that the crime charged upon
Pedro Xavier Velasco was a mere imputation, and Lieutenant
Josd Vicente Pereira Salema confessed that he had been intimi-
dated to give false witness by Jose Rodrigues Caleja. I also
learned that Captain Joto da Cunha Pereira, after his deposi-
tion, went to Pedro Xavier Velasco’s quarters, and told him that
I wanted to drink his blood, which was my reason for draw-
ing up papers against him, but that no depositions made by
himself or liis colleagues would do him any injury.

13/h. — Jose Rodrigues Caleja convoked, in the house of
Gonpalo Caetano Pereira, to debate* over the affair of the 9th
of March, all those of his party, viz.. Captain Joao da Cunha
Pereira, Lieutenant Manoel' dos Santos e Silva, Captain Jos4
da Cruz, Jose Thomaz Gomes da Silva, Lieutenant Jose
Vicente Pereira Salema, and Ensign Jos6 Joaquim Pires;
they agreed to outrage me in that business, first by word and
then by deed. The Lieut.-Colonel Pedro Nolasco Vieira de
Araujo and the chief sergeant Pedro Xavier Velasco were sick,
and not of the league. 1 had no testimony whereby to convict
them, thus they could insult me with impunity. The former
of these two, however, came unexpectedly upon them, and the
project fell to the ground. All this was told to me b^ Lieutenant
JoM Vicente Pereira Salema, whom as the most timorous they
sent to me with a paper of their requisitions.

lith^loth . — Josd Rodrigues Caleja, who was in the habit of
troubling me morning and evening, came early to report that
messengers were expected from Tete to recall the teoops, as
there was great alarm of the French.

16/h. — Jose Rodrigues Caleja required me to assemble the
members in order to determine how to sell the Crown stores
remaining in the receiver’s hands. My reply was that I had
reasons for not convening any more of such assemblies. He
went at once and wrote me a letter representing the loss that

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134 FR. PINTO’S CONTINUATION OP THE JOURNAL. Chap. V.

would result from taking the goods back to Tete. In view of
all this trouble I at once ordered the stores to be valued.

nth. — The effects were valued by the arbitrators at only
double their cost-price at Tete, and the receiver, with sundry
impertinences, demanded permission to sell them. I ordered
them to be sold for the sums offered, finding that nothing more
advantageous could be obtained.

18<A-19^A. — I sent to compliment the Cazembe, who was then
a great friend of mine ; he sent back that he wanted to see me.

2Qlh. — I returned an answer to the Cazembe’s message, de-
claring that I would call upon him personally.

21 s<. — Jose Kodrigues Caleja, angry because, without con-
sulting him, I had allowed Pedro Xavier Velasco to return to
Tete, and because I would not be made the tool of his private
enmities, did all he could to annoy me. He teazed me with
requests to smuggle out the cloth required for our return
march, as the Cazembe would never allow it, after once enter-
ing, to leave the country. Fearing his malice, I appointed him
and the guide, Gonpalo Gaetano Pereira, to fix upon the quantity
and the place. The former was settled, the latter they re-
fused to tell me, pleading that, as we had travelled together, I
— a chaplain — must know as much as they (the guides) did.

22nd-23rd. — I again ordered the two aforesaid guides to tell
me the “cache,” and they*refused.

24/A. — The Cazembe consented to receive me on the morrow,
and to send a household officer to conduct me, as the Fumo
Anceva wished all the whites to be purely dependent upon
himself. Jose Rodrigues Caleja happened to be present, and,
dissimulating his jealousy of my getting an audience when he
had failed, begged me to forward the departure of the Ex-
pedition, which, depending upon the Cazembe, would easily be
forgotten unless often brought to mind.

2bth. — After a short delay I was admitted to the Cazembe,
who received my compliments kindly, responding briefly after
the country fashion. This over, I earnestly prayed him to
forward the time of om return; to which he also replied
favourably. I then submitted to him that on reaching Tete
there would be a difficulty in explaining to my superiors the
prohibition of passing over to Angola ; he bade me leave two
members of the party to proceed there after our departure.
The Fumo Anceva wrested this into a demand that each of the
whites should leave behind one or two Cheundas.* Knowing
that the slaves would be pawns for our future communication,
and that the Caffres being scarce, and many of them sickly, the

* This, I preiume, is “ cliecunda ’’ — a slave.

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Chap. V.

INTERVIEW WITH THE CAZEMBE.

13.3

whites would not consent to the measure. I replied that when
Catara and Chinimha had come with frien(^ messages to Tete,
we had at once set out without hostages. Hearing me speak to
the soldier-linguist in the Sena dialect, the Cazembe at once
explained that he did not want hostages, but two persons to go
to Angola. I could not reply to so sudden and unexpected a

S ermission, so I told the king that the presents destined for the
luropue and the Muenebuto having been given away, and the

treasury being exhausted, my confusion prevented my returning
an answer. The Cazembe at once said that he would manage
about the presents, and that all I had to do was to look after the
subsistence and the means of travel. I finally answered that the
matter should be thought over. He then spoke of the opaque
stoneware beads (pedras de cores) which he wanted from the
whites, who still, he knew, had good things. I contented him
as well as possible, and left deeply preoccupied about Angola.
After my return, Jose Eodrigues Caleja, on hearing the affair,
malignantly remarked, that if I had proposed Pedro Xavier
Velasco as envoy to the Cazembe, he would soon close the road

with a new prohibition ; and much of the same kind to throw
■obstacles in my way.*

26’<A — Jose Eodrigues Caleja came, and insultingly showed
me a paper in which the lieutenant-colonel Pedro Nolasco
Vieira de Araujo and Pedro Xavier Velasco had complained of
him, and charged him with being their informant. As if a
secret between nine persons could be kept, especially when of
the many councillors are Captain Joao da Cunha Pereira and
Lieutenant Jose Vicente Pereira Salema, who do nothing but
tittle-tattle. I tried to avoid a scandalous rupture, but from
that day forward he did nothing but oppose me, wishing to
commit all the goods to the Cazembe, and thus to frustrate
the transit to Angola.

21th . — The Fumo Anceva came from the Cazembe, refusing
passage to Tete for Lieut.-Colonel Pedro Nolasco Vieira de Araujo,
who wished to leave these bad men. I answered that he was

not going, because I had not given him leave. This reply closed
the Caffre’s mouth. He doubtless had been taught to oppose
this departure, though not by his friendship for the departer.
It was Jose Rodrigues Caleja s plan, in opposing the going of

* This pennission for two of the party to proceed to Angola was a sham, to boo
if any presents had been withheld, and to try the perseverance of the whites.
The Cazembe must have thought unfavourably of the leader when he hesitated at
once to reply — a thing ever to be avoided in Africa. The two soldiers were
eventually left behind as was proposed, but they never, it need hardly be said,
readied Angola. In 1806 the Angolan Pomheiros found one man still waiting
for permission.

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136 FE. PINTO’S CONTINUATION OF THE JOUBNAL. Chap. V.

the two Pedros, Nolasco and Velasco, to forewarn all those wha
might be useful to him at Tete, adding as many lies as possible,
and well knowing that the thing first heard, though false, is-
generally credited in preference to truth.

Not satisfied by this mischief, that perverse man went with
Lieutenant Antonio Jose da Cruz to the Cazembe, designing-
to traduce me and Pedro Nolasco, but the Cazembe, who hated hi»
mutinous disposition, refused him access. He must indeed bo
a bad white man w ho is hated by Caffres. He reported to the
Fumo Anceva that the Lieut.-Colonel Pedro Nolasco and the
other whites had so well hidden many fine cloths and coloured
stoneware beads (pedras pintadas), that these could be dis-
covered only by opening their boxes. The Cazembe, despite
his generosity, was persuaded to give this order, or the Fumo
Anceva fabricated it. I sent for the lieutenant-colonel, Pedro
Nolasco, to hear the message: he excused himself, but he
could not prevent the search. I positively refused to sanction
it in the case of other whites, knowing that the Fumo Anceva
wanted onlj to enter the receiver’s house and to carry off everj'-
thing for his king.*

28<^30<A. — Jose Thomaz Gomes da Silveira a man at once
proud of his birth and ready for any vileness, brought, on the
part of the partisans, who knew what to expect in return, a
petition for pardon, and for the papers to be burned. Thinking
some severity necessary, I refused to destroy what concerned
Pedro Xavier Velasco, as by so doing I might expose myself to-
their accusations of having made away with public documents^
The Commissary replied that he would return, m hopes of a more
favourable answer. To get rid of Jose Eodrigues Caleja, I
ordered the cloth necessary for the return march to be brought
to my quarters, deducting 100 cloths (pannos) according to the
valuation. I also named all those to whom cloth, fine beads,
and tin (calaimt) had fallen due for some months. Thus the
receiver was lightened, and the goods were safely placed in the
hands of individuals. When the corporal (cabo), Paulo da Silva,
went to take the cloth for the expedition, Jose Rodrigues
Caleja uttered threats, saying that, as I had not consulted him,.
I should see how it would end.

• There ia a Fumo Anceva at every Afriean court, who thinka only of recom-
mending himaelf to the king by giving any amount of trouble to strangers. Of
course it is a shallow, short-sighted policy, but nothing better can come from the-
negro’s brain. It is, however, dangerous, and must be carefully watched, as it is
calculated to cause disagreeables between the members of an expedition, and
then everything goes to ruin.

t Monteiro and Gamitto (p. 113) speak of “ um pSo de calaim,” a loaf or lump-
of oalaim (Indian tin).

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Chap. V. IN’SULTS FROM SUBORDINATES. 137

May \st-2nd .* — At mass-time I had just arrived at the Introit,
when Lieutenant Antonio Jose da Cruz and Vasco Joaquim
Pires set up, in the former’s lodgings, a song so profane and
so loud, that I could not proceed with the sacrifice, and sent to
beg them to be silent. Prom that day they ceased attending
at mass, nor did they observe Lent and other Christian duties.
Moreover, Jose Vicente Pereira Salema, whom I, when Prior
of Sena, had taught to read, write, and cipher, impudently
asked me if I was a father or a priest, that he should confess
to me.

Lieut.-Colonel Pedro Nolasco Vieira consented to the search,
and delivered certain large “ canutilhos ” and other things
demanded by the Fumo Anceva for his master. Catara, seeing
me assist in the search, at the request of the lieutenant-colonel,
Pedro Nolasco Vieira, who, for his own justification, wished it
to be public, as all those effects belonged to the late Gover-
nor, required my house also to be visited. . Upon this I sent a
message to the Cazembe, saying that all my cloth and beads
were kept for him, that I made him small presents every fifteen
days, and that I hoped he would not support Catdra’s demand.
He replied that Catara had received no such power from him.
Thus fell to the ground the attempt to divide the 200 cloths
kept by me for the expenses of the Expedition.

At 11 A.M. Lieutenant Antonio Jose da Cruz brought the
subsistence-roll for my signature. I notified to him in writing
that one of Jose Rodrigues Caleja’s ten Cafi’res having died, the
name must he removed. The pair agreed to write to me in a
feigned hand an insulting note, accusing me of having caused
troubles in the Expedition, and of having prevented the journey
to Angola, also including the calumny of my being intimidated ;
so that the note might not be produced.

3rd. — I held the first general meeting of oflScers (cabo d’or-
dens), and proved the outrage of Jose Rodrigues Caleja, who sent
liis slave Maxima into my courtyard to quarrel with, and ill-
treat, my barber-slave.

4<A. — ^1 addressed an official note to Jlanoel Caetano Pereira,
the guide, naming him for the journey to Angola, with 400 cloths
and porcelains (velorio) for route expenses, he being able to live
almost as a Caffre, and having his own slaves who would not
leave him. He returned me the document, saying he would
have nothing to do with writings. I sent it back as on Her
Most Faithful Majesty’s service, and he tried to excuse himself
by the persuasion of Jose Rodrigues Caleja.t

* In the original diary “ March " is an error.

t Here the leader was decidedly wrong : he offered a stun utterly inadequate to
the expenses of such a march.

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1 38 FR. PINTO’S CONTINUATTON OF THE JOURNAL. Chap. V.

f)ih. — Aa Manoel Gaetano Pereira would not set out, I de-
manded back the order granting him 400 cloths ; he offered to
return it with his reply to my official. I left it with him,
flunking to annul the order by acquainting the receiver with
what had happened. I then directed Lieutenant Antonio Jose
da Cruz, who commanded the troops, to muster at my quarters
two picked men for the journey to Angola. He sent me a pair
of invalids, who, as he expected, were rejected, and I chose a
good man, well known to me, and bade him look out for a second.
At last he sent me the soldier Gaetano da Costa, whom I de-
tached for the duty together with another, giving them beads
and 200 cloths. Pedro Xavier Velasco set out from the Mussana
(Mussassa 7) on return to Tete, and Jose Rodrigues Caleja collected
some of the Caffre slaves furnished to the Expedition by D. Fran-
cisca, and provoked them to leave the Mussana and to go for slaves
and ivory to the Muiza country. This was to make the others
desert and to hinder Pedro Xavier Velasco’s journey.

At daybreak they left in my court a defamatory note, so
indecent as to be here unproduceable ; it was clearly dictated
by Captain Jo3o da Cunha Pereira, and it was written in a dis-
guised hand by Lieutenant Antonio Jose da Cruz, who has not
only this talent, but also that of forging documents, signed and
certified.

9fA-10fA — I issued to the soldiers going to Angola — ^Paulo
da Silva and Gaetano da Costa — 200 cloths and advance pay for
three months. The members of the Expedition who suffered
from hunger, partly because food was not to be bought and partly
from their own improvidence and waste, requested me to supply
to them some powder and lead that they might remedy the
the evil by hunting.

llth-lZth . — I issued a keg of powder and 2 bags of lead.
The Cazembe sent us a message that after a few days he would
change his quarters, and that he wished all the whites to accom-
pany him. I at once informed the members of the Expe-
dition. Jose Rodrigues Caleja simply replied that if he left liis
present quarters it would be to go to Tete.

\bth-21th . — The Cazembe asked for a tent, or as they call it,
a “ cloth house ” of Travatam stuff : it was the largest in the
Expedition, but I gratified him with it.

28f/t-31sif. — At 8 A.M. the Cazembe sent to say that on the
next day the whites must remove to his new quarters, where ho
would shortly follow them. Jose Rodrigues Caleja persisted in
not moving, and the king told him to go to Tete whenever he
pleased, leaving in the hands of his Caffre Candiono the business
of D. Francisca, whose son he called himself.

June 1st. — At 8 A.M. the Expedition, accompanied by the

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Chap. V.

A FIGHT IN THE CAMP.

139

Fumo Anceva, set out for M6ro (Mofo*), its appointed place,
Captain Jose da Cunha and Vasco Joaquim Fires remaining be-
hind at the old Mussana without leave. A message came after my
departure from the Cazembe, requesting an escort of our troops,
which could not be granted, as there were no officers to attend
to it. Jose Thomaz Gomes da Silva, wanting carriers for his
hammocks — all of them having been taken by Jos6 Kodrigues
Caleja and Lieutenant Antonio Jose da Cruz — impudently sent
to say that, as he required people, who were all carrying my
ivory, he must take the same road as my Caffres, who were burnt
to death on April 7th.

2nd. — Josd Thomaz Gomes da Silva came to obtain satis-
faction for the event of yesterday : I showed him that the ivory,
so far from being mine, was in the hands of the executor or
attorney of the late governor, and 1 threatened him with par-
ticular punishment in future if the thing recurred.

3rd. — Blows were exchanged between the soldiers and the
Muiza Caffres on account of a black woman belonging to one of
the former having something to do with the Muiza slaves of the
Cazembe ’s Muiza subjects. The Caffres of D. Francisca were
drawn into the fray, which reached such a point that some
blows were given to the highly respectable Muiza, Chinhimba.
In haste I sent for an officer, but the Commandant was awaj%
the two subalterns would not come, and Jose Kodrigues Caleja
impudently sent to say that I might do it myself

4(A. — The Fumo Anceva applied for an escort for his king,
who would airive to-morrow. Knowing the Cazembe’s fondness
for firing, especially on such occasions, I ordered the receiver to
issue a flask of powder. I told the Fumo Anceva that the
troops should be ready when the king arrived within conve-
nient distance. I also informed the Commandant what honours
were to be paid to the king.

5iA. — The Commandant applied for another flask of powder,
with wliich and that before given he went to meet the Cazembe
at his old residence, thus exceeding his orders.

— The Cazembe, at the advice of his medicine man,
left his old court, which was considered unhealthy, for a place
newly founded upon the Rio Moro.f He was accompanied and
preceded at a short interval by his wives, and he reached his new

* Sec June G-9th.

t The Mofo, Moivn, Mofwe, Mofuo or Mofu T.akelet, on whoso eastern shore is
now the Ganda, Mossumba, or Chipango (palace) of the Mwdta Cazembe. Accord-
ing to the ‘Second Expedition' (p. 31G) the ohl place here alluded to was called
Pembae, and lay one and a half leagues (six miles j to the east. In the latest maps
tlie lagoon has no watershed, and is probably drained by tho Luapula (Koapula or
Guanula) river into tho Jloero Lake.

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140 FR. PINTO’S CONTINUATION OF THE JOURNAL. Chap. V.

palace at noon. I sent at once my compliments and a request
to see him ; he politely received my present and message, but
he did not appoint a day for my visit.

10<A-11<A. — Lieutenant Antonio Jose da Cruz saluted with
firing a present of pombe sent by the Cazembe’s wife.

Vlth — At 3 P.M. the Lieutenants Antonio Josd da Cruz and
Jos6 Vicente Pereira Salema went to the Cazembe’s house,
opened the compound-fence and passed in review the king’s
wives, saying to each other which was good, which each would
choose, and so on. This coming to the Cazembe’s ears, he was
greatly offended at the insult, and moreover he referred to the
Lieutenant having formerly paid court to one of his women
when, being in the old palace, he had gone to fly a kite. He would
have let the ofiScer know the extent of his wrath, but he was
prevented by his mother.*

13<A. — The Cazembe sent to me, as Commandant, many com-
plaints and threats, which were received by Gonpalo Caetano
Pereira. My people deputed Jose Thomaz Gomes with a
forged message that the Cazembe complained of the soldiers
and the slaves (Cheundas) taking whatever they wanted on the
roads, and that Gonfalo Caetano Pereira, being too ill to bring
the message, had sent him (J. Thomaz) to request me that such
actions might be forbidden by beat of drum. I at that time
ignored the Cazembe’s true message, which was, “ Great had
been the audacity of the whites (Muzungos) in casting their
eyes and desires upon his wives, when there were many
women — of whom they had had the best — in his lands. They
must know him to be a tiger that carried ruin and devas-
tation in his train, and that (it would cost him little to prove
to them the truth of his words.” I sent to Josd Thomaz Gomes,
ordering each officer and white man rigorously to prohibit his
soldiers and slaves (Cheundas) from all such thieving, and
showing them the danger of insulting the Cazembe, who
deserved all our attentions, not only for his favours, but also
because he was a powerful king, upon whom our well-being
depended.

14</i-16<A — The Cazembe sending a messenger to me, I
asked why the master did not permit me to see him : he replied
that the king was waiting for the porters to bring some presents
for me. I answered that from a friend this proceeding was not

• This might be the real or the official mother of the king. So when I visited
Dahome, Mr. Hilton, a drunken “chattel” attached to the missionaries, and,
I need hardly say, a Mulatto, attempted to break into the king’s seraglio. Gelele
behaved very well in the matter, merely sending to inform me that if the man had
not been of my party he would have t^en off his head.

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Chap. V.

t£te-a-t£te with the cazembe.

141

wanted: he rejoined that it was necessary, and that the king
could not dismiss me empt 3 ^-handed.*

Yith-19th . — I reminded the Cazembe of his promise, and he
said that he would summon me on the morrow.

20<A-23rd. — I was kindly and pleasantly received by the
Cazembe, who on this day had hardly one of his servants present
as interpreter.t After compliments he anticipated me on the
subject of my departure. I presented to him the soldiers who
would remain beliind us to proceed to Angola. He saw and ap-
proved of them, promising to forward them. This-day he ap-

E ointed one of his young domestics to accompany me to Mozam-
ique, and to learn “ Mainato,” or washing. They ignore this
art, and during our stay they had learned to wash coarse cottons
(“ Maxilas de Gondo very roughly made with wooden looms
by the Cafifres of Sena, and a few at Tete ; to bathe themselves
often with water and to anoint the head and body with a little
oil in sign of spruceness. Finally, after impressing upon me
that he ardently desired communication with us, and that he had
taken much trouble to facilitate it, he dismissed me with great
signs of satisfaction.

24<A-28</t. — From a slave of CatAra I ascertained that the
two ivories presented in the name of the Cazembe when his
mission visited Tete in 1798, had been intended by him to
buy stone-ware, beads (pedras), and other things required.
The chiefs of the troops, malignantly encouraged by their officers,
came to demand pay, though the receiver’s department had only
100 cloths in stuff and 50 in porcelain beads (velorio)t to ration
the slaves whom the Cazembe might send by way of crown--
presents (Mirambo). I replied that the subject should be con-
sidered.

29<A-30<A. — The party against me sent Jose Thomaz Gomes
da Silva to inform me tnat they intended shortly to leave for
Tete, and that Jose Rodrigues Caleja desired to know my
intentions touching the five scores (corjas) § of cloth remaining
in the Receiver’s department. The deputy, when asked if he
came to require conge, replying in the negative, I told him
that the matter should be referred to the Cazembe. Caleja’s

* This is the usual manoeuvre of African kings before tliey “ give pass ” or
dismiss their visitors. Having no return presents, or not wishing to offer any-
thing, they waste the mtience of their guest with a hundred delays, till, however
greedy, he departs in despair.

t The fewer people present, the more friendly, of course, is the interview.

j As has been said, the pane (“ panno,” pagne, tobe), or unity of two fathoms
of cotton cloth, in 1832 worth Gd., is used to express other values, even of beads.

§ I presume this to bo the Hindostani word — a score, from “ kori.” It is used
in Zanzibar (‘Journal of the Royal Geographical Society,' vol, xxix., p. 116).

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142 FR. PINTO’S CONTINUATION OF THE JOURNAL. Chap. V.

question I treated as a joke. The Cazembe, to ■whom the white
men’s project was immediately reported, declared that he would
at once give us the road.

Jvly \st-\QOi . — The party came in a mob, declaring their
intention to depart, as the Cazembe was eausing delay. I replied
that everything possible had been done, and that the king had
sent Xirdros (Shire men) to eollect thei r fellow countrj'-folk, whom
he had long ago despatched for the purpose of recovering the
annual taxes of his lands. They insisted on setting out, having
heard, probably from their untrustworthy slaves, that the
Cazembe intended to keep us for another year. I know not
how they persuaded themselves so ; they ought to have known
that their actions had made them a trouble to the Cazembe’s
subjects and an object of distnist to himself. Possibly the king
may have delayed us to see if our means were exhausted, but
this was their fault for having charged Lieutenant-Colonel
Pedro Nolasco and myself mth keeping back goods. I promised
to report the matter to the Cazembe, and when they retired I
prepared to do so by means of one of my servants. I had hardly
instructed the latter when Captain Joao da Cunha Pereira
and Lieutenant Jos^ Vicente Pereira Salema, retracing their
steps, informed me that on the morrow they would set out for
Tote. I told them to act as they thought proper, my authority
as Commandant having long ago been set aside by them. My
messenger went to the Cazembe, who said that the whites
might go when they pleased, and that his object in keeping
them was to dismiss them satisfied, and not ill-disposed towards
him, so as to prevent others visiting him.

The whites were somewhat appeased by the royal reply,
which was duly communicated to them. Some resolved not to
go -without me, but Captain Joao da Cunha Pereira, in his
pride, determined to start, inducing the troops to escort him.
As they would not move, ho committed to them all their
rations ; whereas I, seeing the negligence of the men, had kept
back the stores for distribution on the day of departure, intending
to explain to the poor fellows the sufferings which would
result from the wiltul waste of their only subsistence for the
journey.

11th . — Effectually Captain Joao da Cunha Pereira set out,
leaving his soldiers and quarters, and thus constituting himself
a deserter. When the Cazembe heard of the departure, he sent
me the present (mirambo) for Her Most Faithful Majesty, adding
that it was a token of gratitude for the favours conferred upon
him, and that his devoir being now done, he gave his pass ; he
added, however, that the opening of the Angola road must be
reserved for our return.

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Chap. V.

THE FUMO ANCEVA.

143

I assembled the whites, who were surprised at the sight of
the present, much expected on account of the promises and
the spirit of the Cazembe. It would have been more consider-
able, but for the indiscretion of the Captain Joao da Cmiha
Pereira, who had left without even an adieu to the king. I
received it in trouble of mind, and, whilst thinking what to say,
the party told the Fumo Anceva, who escorted it, that there
was no return gift for the presents which had been intended for
the Muropue and the Muenebuto, but which the Cazembe had
appropriated.

Jos6 Kodrigues Caleja was directed to buy hides, and to make
handcuflfs for the thirty slaves of the royal gift (mirambo), and
for the four others received by Lieutenant Manoel dos Santos,
and committed to him. Moreover, I directed that this gang
should be placed under sentinels. He hastened to say that he
had resolved to distribute the slaves amongst the soldiers, and
that for every head lost three-score cloths would be charged. I
asked how in this way the men could guard the Crown slaves,
when they did not even prevent their own property from
escaping in numbers. To this objection he made no ^eplJ^ I
allowed him to take his own way, because it was clear that he
would not obey me, or that, if compelled, he would cause
desertion, to render me responsible.

The Fumo Anceva departed with his message, and Jose
Rodrigues Caleja collected the several items of the present. I
directed an account of it to be drawn up, and when ho
refused to sign, I caused it to be attested by all the others
present,

Vlth . — At 8 A.M. the Fumo Anceva appeared with the return
gifts to the presents intended for the Muropue and the Mueue-
buto. Whilst I ordered them to be received, every one gave
his opinion touching their smallness, and the worthlessness of
the former largesse. I represented to them that these words
would not only fail to increase the presents, but might prevent
the soldiers going to Angola. Jose Rodrigues Caleja hastened
to say that the mission could not take place, as these men
intended to follow the steps of the Expedition as soon as ever
it turned towards Tete. I asked him why he had not reported
this, knowing that, in our impossibility to carry out the other
projects of the late Governor, this mission was the only duty
of which we could acquit ourselves. He was silenced by the
shame of finding himself either an impostor or the person
determined to frustrate our principal object. Convinced that
the soldier Paulo da Silva was not capable of the intention
attributed to him, I proposed to inquire concerning the second
man to be sent, namely, Cuetano da Costa. Finally, Jose

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144 FR. PINTO’S CONTINUATION OF THE JOURNAL. Chap. V.

Eodrignes Caleja received the present, refusing to attest the
account, and the Fumo Anceva retired, complaining that he
had not received his “ urne.” *

13/A. — Caetano da Costa, the soldier, when summoned before
me, and asked concerning Jose Rodrigues Caleja’s assertion,
declared that it was false, and challenged the strictest inquiry.
I knew, however, that no one would assist in it. From passages
in this Diary it may be judged whether Caleja had or nad not
opposed the mission to Angola. As the slaves of the two royal
gifts were not enough to carry the Crown loads, I directed
Lieutenant Antonio Jos6 da Cruz, who had the distribution of
the slave personnel of the Expedition, to set apart for my
hammock twenty Caffres, and to supply those necessary to
Lieutenant Manoel dos Santos and to Jose Thomaz Gomes.
The two latter, like myself, had been carried by the slaves of
the Expedition, not by their own.

I had ordered the gang of D. Francisca, who at her own
discomfort supplied many hands, to carry the loads of their
mistress and the property of the late Governor. This was a
cause of spite to the Receiver, Jose Rodrigues Caleja, because it
prevented his revenging himself upon the Lieutenant-Colonel
Fedro Nolasco, in whose charge these properties were, by taking
away his porters. The Caffres were duly supplied to Lieu-
tenant 3Ianoel dos Santos and to Jose Thomaz Gomes. By
Jose Rodrigues Caleja’s authority I remained without one, being
sentenced either to walk 270 leagues, or to take from the Lieu-
tenant-Colonel Pedro Nolasco ten Caffres whom he had brought
from Tete expressly for his own conveyance.

15^A-16^/i. — The Cazembe applied to us for powder, sending a
slave as “ dash.” I despatched a keg, intended by the late
Governor as a present to the king, who returned, by way of
“mouth,” another slave. Thereupon the Fumo Anceva
declared that his master wished two soldiers to remain, and to
escort the remittances, which, after the winter (rainy season),
would be sent to Tete. The minister did not fail to show that
he had been egged on to make such a requisition.

nth. — Jose Rodrigue's Caleja and his follow’ers called at my
quarters, wishing us to go for our “ pass ” to the Cazembe. My
reply was, that I had not been summoned. He rejoined, that
the Fumo Anceva had specified me. I objected, that the Fumo
might have given me the news, if true, and that they could go
without me. He persisted that my presence was indisTCnsable,
to settle about the Angola mission and the Cazembes escort.

* This word, from its context, means the “vails ” usually given to those who
carry presents.

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Chap. V. INTRIGUES OF JOS£ RODRIGUES CALEJA. 145

AVhen I asked him if that was his affair, he protested against
the evil which delay might inflict upon the Royal treasury. 1
declined to accept his protest, and reminded him that I was his
superior. He refused to recognise me as such, and added asser-
tions which convinced me that the Fumo Anceva’s requisition
for two soldiers had arisen from an intrigue of Jose Rodrigues
Caleja. He had intended, if I consented, to accuse me of having
left the men for my own interest in the Cazembe’s remittances ;
or, if I refused, to frustrate thereby the mission to Angola, by
annoying the king with such rejection of his last request. In
this appeared the white hand ; the Caffres never remember to
alter, or to change the resolutions of those engaged in business
with them.

Resolving to make an example of Jose Rodrigues Caleja, I
prepared to issue, as authorized by my position of commander
of a royal expedition, part of whose duty it was to punish rebels
for the good of the Crown service, an order to the following
purport: That Jose Rodrigues Caleja, who had committed a
similar offence at Manipa in 1788, should, as chief mutineer
and rebel of the party, be arrested by Lieutenant Manoel dos
Santos, and held until the charge be laid before the Royal pre-
sence. I did not, however, publish it at once, hoping by threats
to gain my object.

18fA and 19f/i. — As my efforts were in vain, I issued the above
order against Jose Rodrigues Caleja, as was certified by Lieu-
tenant Manoel dos Santos. His obstinacy was such that he
would not yield himself to arrest, unless I could prove the
faults of which he was accused. He thought easily to get
over tliis disobedience, adding the words, that the Commandant
had incurred criminality for having in that same order origi-
nated the said intrigues ; and he compelled me not to publish
either the order or the simature of the executive officer to whom
it had been submitted. Nothing remaining for me but to yield,
I left the man to himself. On the same day. Lieutenant
Antonio Jos6 da Cruz, commanding the troops, issued an order
that no one should obey my commands unless sent through him.
This was because I had summoned in a hurry two soldiers to
stay at my huts, whilst he, the officer, was away, assisting at the
resignation of the Receiver’s department, which he expected to
resiilt from my orders for the arrest of Jose Rodrigues Caleja.
What, then, could I do, in any case like what happened on the
3rd of June,* when there was no regular service in the bush ;
and he, the ofiBcer, was always sick when wanted for duty, and
never in health, except for his pleasures ? From that day I

* The occasion of a fi;;ht between the soldiets and Huizas.

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146 FK. PINTO’S CONTINUATION OF THE JOURNAL. Chap. V.

never passed an easy night: the excitement in the camp
(mussassa) compelled me to be ever ready and to deep with
loaded weapons by my side.

20th . — To weaken Jose Rodrigues Calem’s party, I allowed
Lieutenant Manoel dos Santos and Jos6 Thomaz Gomes to go
forward, and to await us in the lands of the Maraves. Each
received for rations a quantity of blue cottons with 200 cloths,
on condition of returning into store all that exceeded their
wants.

2\st . — The troops went to take leave of the Cazembe, who
delivered to the lieutenant commanding a tabaret or low stool
(hytanda) covered with leopard skin, as a gift to the Crown.
All having been received with apparent kindness, they fired
their salutes and retired.

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( 147 )

CHAPTEK VI.

Thb Ketubn March — the Attack — and the Flight.

Jvly 22nd . — The troops went off this day with my leave. They
were charged with the Crown slaves, chained in twos, threes, or
fours, to each soldier, and I had no responsible party to answer
for the slaves and their loads. The cloth and porcelain beads
^elorio) for the rations being in the hands of Jose Rodrigues
Caleja, who was preparing to set out without my permission, as
he frequently did, I could not refuse to dismiss men and oflScers
under pain of risking the robbery of the ivory and other royal
effects, which that person was to convey to Tete. After his
departure, I conceived great hopes of succeeding in the mis-
sion to Angola, which had been stopped by the message of the
Fumo Anceva on the 11th instant. I went for my pass to
the Cazembe, who had appointed me to come on that day ; and,
being well received, I introduced the subject. He undertook
to forward the two soldiers, after pretending not to understand
me — a difficulty easily overcome as his orother (nephew ?)
the Sana Muropue, served me as linguist in the absence of
Fumo Anceva. The latter had not come, and the opposer of
all my projects — Jose Rodrigues Caleja — had departed. He
reminded me of my promise to send him from Mozambique
sundry “ good (pretty) things,” and I hastened to repeat it. On
his part he undertook to open a communication with me
through his lands to the Mozambique, appointing for this ser-
vice his merchant, Chinhimba, whom he would take from
Gonfalo Caetano Pereira.

Seeing that he wished to retire, I thanked him in the name
of Her Most Faithful Majesty for the manner in which he had
entertained the Expedition.- I added that, as his friend, I was
grateful to him for his good offices. He received my compli-
ments with kindness ; his courtiers joined in the applause
probably on account of the parting-gift, which was presentee^
to me, and the visit ended with mutu^ protestations of friend-
ship. The King, after receiving my return present, gave to
his grandees a feast of Pombe, which had been interrupted for
some days, and ordered drums and marimbas to be played, as a
sign of joy, that he was delivered of Messrs. Jose Rodrigues
Caleja and Co. I at once gave leave to Gonfalo Caetano

L 2

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148 FR. PINTO’S CONTINUATION OF THE JOURNAL. Chap. TI.

Pereira and Vaseo Joaquim Pires, who, with Manoel Cnetana
Pereira, set out for Tete on the next day

23/yZ. — T he three persons above mentioned left for T(de.

— I started with the Lieut.-Colonel Pedro Nolasco
en route for “ Chungn,” the old court, to exhume the bones of
tlie late Governor, which the Cazembe, contrary to Cafifre
custom, allowed him to do.* Thence we were to march upon
Tete. The Caffres of the Expedition having refused to carry
me, I begged Lieut.-Colonel Pedro Nolasco to lend me nine
of the slaves of D. Franeisca, settling that their loads should be
committed to my wild Caffres, t who walked in neck chains. As
the acme of toil and trouble my Caffres were obliged to convey
the ration-cloth for the expedition. I kept it by me in order
that the troops might assist me on the road. We reached
Chungn at 2 p.m., disinterred the bones, and halted there with
the intention of marching the next day.J

21ih. — We marched from Chungu to a new village of the
Sana Muropiie, there to await the Fumo Anceva, our escort to
the frontier of the Cazembe’s kingdom.

28Z/j. — ^The Fumo Anceva joined me, but several Caffres of
the party being wanting, we could not advance.

29Z/t. — We left the village of the Sana Muropiie, and presently
reached, at 3 p.m., the hillock station (o lugar dos outeirinhos), ac-
companied by the Fumo Anceva, who thought it the best place
for halting. This day we pa&sed by the village of a Muranda
Caffre, when our soldiers began to rob poultry; the people,
though they took up arms and wished to revenge themselves,
suffered this outrage in cold blood, remembering that the
Cazembe had ever treated white men well.

July ZOth to August 3rd. — The Caffres not arriving, we marched
from the hillocks to the village of the Muenempanda, there t»
await them.

Aug. 4ZA-6ZA. — We arrived at the place of the Muenempanda,
where he was (mussassado), and hutted (abarracado) in the bush,
hunting after the country-fashion ; that is to say, digging narrow
pitfalls, and covering them with dry grass, for catching careless
game. They have running hunts as well, killing wild beasts of
pasture with arrows, javelins, and spears. We also made our
camp (mussassa) in the jungle, at some distance from that of the
•Muenempanda.

* In Monteiro and Gumitto’s days they still showed the cenotaph of the
*■ Gerul,” as the unfortunate traveller was called at Lunda.

+ “ Cafres hurras," a misprint fur “ burros."

t I need hardly say that the Commandant, thus marching last, occupied the
place of danger, especially in a caravan leaving the country. Moreover, he reck-
lessly exposed himself to the intrigues of his enemies, the whites who had pre-
ceded him ; and thus he rendered himself responsible for all their actions.

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€iiap. VI. CONGRATULATIONS FROM THE MUENEMTANILI. 149

1th. — The Muenempanda sent to congratulate us with his
compliments upon our arriving at his estate ; he had received
an order from his king and lord, the Cazembe, to supply us
with refreshments and provisions ; he purposed punctually so
to do, and if we passed by another road, he must forward
them by carriers.

Sth and dth. — We received a present of fresh and dried meat,
sweet potatoes, and pombe-beer, and we were invited to the
camp (mussassa), for which wo returned thanks.

lU^A. — As I had no extra cloth for “mouths,” the Lieut.-
Colonel Pedro Nolasco wont alone to the Camado (house?),
bearing my excuses.

Wih and \2th. — There were still wanting sundry Cafifros who
intended to make Tete with us, some carrying ivories, others to
receive the returns of their masters’ presents. Yet, to avoid
tlie three fore.st marches between us and the populated part,
where we could buy provisions, we took leave of the Muene-
rapanda by messengers, and we set out, leaving the FumoAnceva
to follow us.

IZth-ibth. — At 9 A.M. we met a Caffre of Gonfalo Gaetano
Pereira journeying solus. This man told us that Jose Rodri-
gues Galeja, having caused a disturbance in the village of
“ Muilachiutu,” had been robbed with his companions, whom
he had lost when flying from the Muizas. The villagers had
wounded one of the party, and had attempted to slay him, the
informant.

l^th-ld>ih. — After five days of good marching, we reached,
at 9 .\.M., the village of Muilachiutu ; here w'e heard of the
excesses of Jose Rodrigues Caleja, and the run which the Cafires
had given him. We halted a day and a-half to buy food.

19?A. — Arrived the Muizas, whom the Fumo Anceva had
hurried on with a message that we must await him in the
village of Chipoco. T’here he had ordered rations to be prepared,
since in our present place we should not be able to collect a
sufficient quantity, which indeed we had ixscertained.

20th. — We reached at noon the village of Chirandu, seeking
rations, which were now wanted.

21st-2Zrd. — After spending two days in collecting a suf-
ficiency of provisions, which were very dear, we set out for
Gliiliamono. •

2\th. — We arrived at the village of Chiliamono, whom we
met on the road as he was going to meet the Fumo Anceva.
Here we bought some food, of which we had but little. Hunger
now began to force its way into camp.

2oih and 2&th. — We marched to a large village, Chiliapaco,
at which the Fumo Anceva told us to await him ; and there we

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150 FR. PINTO’S CONTINUATION OF THE JOURNAL. Chap, VI.

found the senior guide, Gon 9 alo Gaetano Pereira, who had halted
his party to join us. I sent to the Fumo Anceva a small present,
which did not satisfy him, but my means now forbade my being
a great man. Gon 9 alo Gaetano Pereira also recounted to me
how he had been obliged to run in consequence of Jose llodri-
gues Galeja’s affair.

21th and 2^th . — To lighten my load, I sent to Gonpalo
Gaetano Pereira two hundred cloths for the necessary expenses,
and also for the support of the soldiers, who, deserted by their
officers, were straggling in the bush. He returned me a
receipt.

29<A. — From Gon^lo Gaetano Pereira and Vasco Joaquim
Pires I heard that Jose Kodrigues Galeja was marching so fast,
that he would not trouble himself with the sick slaves of the
Crown, and that whenever one could not walk his head was cut
off.*

The Muizas are always drunk, and none more so than the
Fumo, who sent to ask me why, having stayed there long
enough, I did not leave his village. I replied that we were in
my friend the Cazembe’s country, buying provisions, and that we
should await the Fumo Anceva, who was directed by his king to
escort us to the Zambeze (Chambeze) River. I sent this reply
because these Muizas are insolent, treacherous, and timid, and
when haughtily treated they become at once disheartened. In
fact they are such that a few days ago they strangled their
Fumo.

Augud 30<^ to Septemh&r 1st. — Hearing that the Fumo Anceva
had reached the village of Chirando, where the rebel Muizas
would not receive him nor allow him to pass, I sent bearers to
urge him on, saying, that on account of his long delay we
wanted to take leave of him, to march on without his escort.
I bade him not to fear the Muizas, as we could defend him
when he joined our party, and afterwards that he could travel
through the bush, avoiding villages.

Sejateniber 2nd-5ih . — After fourdays, our party returned with the
reply of the Fumo Anceva, who held himself dismissed, as he could
not move forwards, and who, having reported all to his master,
must there await the royal orders.t I did not want to advance
without informing the Fumo Anceva, for fear of offending him
and his king, as the success of the Angolan mission might
depend upon this.^

• This is a vile African practice, done simply on the dog-in-the-mangei
principle.

t It is hardly necessary to say tliat the Mfumo had never intended to go an
inch further.

X A very simple-minded ecclesiastic !

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Chap. VI. REACH THE NORTHERN ZAMBEZE RIVER. 151

Gih-lth . — Leaving Chipaco, we halted at the first village,
Lieutenant-Colonel Pedro Nolasco’s illness having increased.

8th-2th . — Gonpalo Gaetano Pereira, not wishing to delay any
longer, departed with his party, intending to await us at the
Zambeze (Chambeze) Eiver.

10<^16<A. — Lieutenant-Colonel Pedro Nolasco being a little
better, we inarched upon Munglue, intending to remain there
a few days, taking rest and collecting rations.

11th . — When about to leave our nighting place, the Muiza
villagers opposed our going, wishing us to halt for a day, and
to buy their provisions, which were at double the price for
which they sold them to us on the up-march. As we did not
assent, they threatened us with attack. I resolutely replied
that we were ready for war or for peace, that if they wanted to
fight, they must look sharp, as we could lose no time in their
lands. Hearing this, they gave up their plans of intimidation,
and we continued our march.

18^A. — At 11 A.M. we reached the banks of the Luenna Eiver,
which was full and imfordable. When canoes were found, the
Caffres asked large sums for ferrying us across, and though we
tried to persuade them that we had no other cloths but what
we offered, they declared that I and my companion were the
only ones who possessed a large quantity, and that Gonpalo
Caetano Pereira had been allowed passage with many ivories,
because they held liim to be a mere trader, and the agent of
the late governor — and so indeed Jose Eodrigues Caleja and the
rest of the whites had assured them. Seeing that the Caffres
had made up their minds, and fearing the machinations of that
bad man, I had no remedy but to satisfy them ; after which
they did not neglect to beg from time to time.

19<A. — At 10 A.M. we reached the Zambeze (Chambeze) Eiver,
which was not fordable, as before. We were, therefore,
obliged to bargain for canoes, and the Caffres kept us till 3 p.m.
We were obliged to give up to theln all our remaining cloth,
copper, and “calaim,” our beads, copper bracelets (manilhas),*
and ivory. Even then, they at times objected to work, demand-
ing new pay for persons and loads. This insolence lasted for
some time, so that part of the Expedition was on this side and
part on that side of the river, which involuntary division greatly
aided their extortioning.! In the dead of the night, those on

• These are the “ Manillas ” of the West African Coast, especially of the Oil
Rivers, where they took the form of small horseshoes. Such “ bangles ” appear to
have been known to all primitive peoples.

t I well remember the same happening to me on the Malagarazi River, when
returning from the Tanganyika I.ake.

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152 FR. PIKTO’S CONTINUATION OF THE JOURNAL. Chap. VI,

the right bank were attacked by kidnappers, but they fled
when di.scovered by our people, who pursued them.

20<A. — A little more velorio-beads brought over the rest of the
loads, and we at once set out for the place where Gonpalo
Gaetano Pereira and his party were halted.

21«^. — Wishing to ration in this place, we found the Muizas
so insufferable with their “ palavers ” (niilandos), and other im-
pertinences, that some voted to leave them : but it was agreed
to night here.

‘22nd. — We advanced, and I resolved to halt at the foot of a
little village. Here died Vasco Joaquim Fires, who, as I re-
counted on February 4th, always missed his mass. Although
sick, his death was not expected, and he was, therefore, not
sacramented ; without affecting the miraculous, I may term it
a palpable judgment of God, for despising those mysteries.
To avoid “palavers” with the natives, his body was secretly
buried in the bush.

23r<i and 24 ih. — We arrived at the Munglue village, which we
had been earnestly making since the 16th instant.

25tk-‘2Sth. — We allowed two days to rest our footsore people,
to ration, and to refresh ourselves with cows’ milk, which was

E lentiful ; we drank it now soured (cortado), now fire-warmed,
ut ever w ithout sugar, which had long run out. The provisions
were dear ; apparently the Muizas had passed on the word to
starve us. They were envious of our ivory and slaves, and they
looked upon us as their rivals in the trade. Here begins a
regular system of blackmail * (chipatas), and Gonc^alo Gaetano
Pereira, having finished his cloth, gave a small slave-girl.

29th. — From Munglue we repaired to the Masungure village,
seeking rations.

Sej)i. to Oct. Isf. — We reached a Muiza village, which w e
were obliged to pass. The savages began to snatch from our
Gafifres’ hands what they could take quickly and could readily
carry oflf: they also seized two hoes (enchadas) and a large
knife, the work of the Gazembe’s people (Murundas), and, being
drunk, refused to return the plunder. As it was already late,
we went to pass the night at a village hard by, where, provisions
being scarce, we were obliged to treat for them with our
insulters.

October 2nd. — But little food appeared, and that little ex-
tremely dear. As we sighed for the next day’s march came
Gondua, the brother of Ghinhiinba, who, finding the day too
far gone, promised to procure us restitution on the morrow.

3rd. — In want of provisions we advanced, whilst Gonpalo

* Monteiro and Gamitto (p. 58) say “Chipata ou Salvo-conducto.”

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Chap. VI.

ATTACKED BY THE MUIZAS.

153

Caetauo Pereira, who remained behind, recovered the two hoes,
but not the knife. After a short distance wo reached a village,
where they robbed us of two other hoes and a tusk. They also
wounded a Caffre with a poisoned arrow : the Muiza poison is
so virulent that it spreads over the body, and after a few days
causes death, if the arrow be not carefully removed, and if a
counter-poison, which prudent Caffres always carry on such
journeys, be not applied. At the sight of our slave’s blood
there was great confusion ; some desired a prompt vengeance,
others, terrified, wanted to escape dangers exaggerated by
imagination. I hastened to see what was the matter, and at
once the Muizas collecting, pointed their arrows at us for
intimidation. When asked why we were insulted, they replied
hardily that they had done so because they liked to do it, as w'e
were passing through their lands, and that if we wanted war we
had only to begin it — they were ready. Our men replied that
they were traveling peaceably, but that if attacked they would
defend themselves. The Muizas at once began to throw hard
clods instead of stones, ours replied, and all the women fled the
village.

The carriers, standing in a body fifty paces off, grounded
their loads to see the end of the affair, which began to be
vigorous. Whilst I was trying to stop this stone-play, waiting
for Gonfalo Gaetano Pereira, who had remained behind, a Muiza,
with great assiduity and diligence, threw at me a succession of
clods. Seeing no hope, I discharged a gun at him, but missed.
LieutenantrColonel Pedro Nolasco, who was near, also fired with
the same consequence. Hearing the sound of shots, and the
confused noise of combat, Gonpalo Gaetano Pereira, whom we
were waiting for — he would assuredly have been lost if cut off
from us — hastened up. Meeting in his path a crowd of the
enemy, he pointed his gun, which somewhat frightened them.
As, however, they continued their war dance, and he would not
fire, one of his Gaffres discharged a blunderbuss which was
ready, and mortally wounded in the side a Muiza, whom he
afterwards found to be the son of the village Fumo.*

The terrified savages opened the road to Gonfalo Gaetano
Pereira, who at once joined us. We held a council, knowing
that we could no longer travel in quiet through the tribe, who
are a united people.

At the time appeared two of the enemy, making signs that
they came to speak with us, and praying not to be maltreated.
On our promise they approached, and begged a medicine to

* How remarkably this aJveuture resembles the accident wbicli stopped Paul
dn CUaillu in 18(14.

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154 FE. PINTO’S CONTINUATION OF THE JOUENAL. Chap. VI.

extract the slugs (zagalotes) with which the Fumo’s son had
been wounded. We asked why they had molested peaceful
travellers ; they put the blame upon their drink.* This excuse
did not satisfy us. We said that if their Fumo’s son was
wounded, the same had happened to two of our slaves, who
were brought forward, and we refused the medicine required
to withdraw what had entered into the body, as they expressed
themselves.

They retired discontented, and their companions, seeing this,
threatened us from afar. Our slaves, and the six soldiers of the
party, chased them to their houses, where a third Checunda
was wounded. This brought on another skirmish, and our men
sacked the now well-nigh deserted village. I and Lieutenant-
Colonel Pedro Nolasco, wished to go in person, collect provi-
sions, and burn down the place, hoping thus to terrify the
Muixas, and to recover the respect for the name of white man
^uzungu) which Jos6 Rodrigues Caleja had lost. Gonfalo
Gaetano Pereira, however, would by no means consent to such
a proceeding.

We marched to a neighbouring place where there was water,
intending to rest the people, and to continue our journey in
the afternoon. Gonpalo Gaetano Pereira found a Muiza of the
village of Mucunjure, the lord of these lands, and sent him to
inform his master of what had happened, forwarding a small
tusk, by way of “ mouth.” Having dined, we advanced in our
usual order, but with the precaution of being preceded by a few
musketeers. After a short march we heard a disturbance
ahead. All stopped, and I, going forward, found that Manoel
Gaetano Pereira, who was with the soldiers in the van, had been
treacherously wounded by an ambushed Muiza.t The soldiers
hastened forwards; unhappily their muskets missed fire, and
thus the savages retired safely. The wound proved not dan-
gerous, and was easily cured ; the arrow-head had struck against
a bone, and thus the poison was not diffused.

The Caffre of Gonpalo Gaetano Pereira, who, in firing the
blunderbuss, had rendered his right hand useless, being braver
and more judicious than the rest, proposed returning to raze
the offending villages to the ground. I also approvt^ of this,
but Gonpalo Gaetano Pereira, who, reasonably enough, counted
upon having to see the (Fumo’s) wounded son, and thus to

* This may be true : Africaus, like the American indigenes, are almost always
dangerous during a carouse. But the “Commandant” did wrong, I mean
unwisely, in refusing the medicine.

t Had the medicine been given, perhaps this would not have happened. Of
course the friends of the wounded savage rushed on ahead, and, knowing the
country better than the caravan, succeeded in revenging themselves.

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Chap. Vf. RENEWED HOSTILITY OF THE MUIZAS.

155

pacify Mucunjure, would not agree to this. He was the better
obeyed on account of his having many slaves ; we, therefore,
necessarily following his advice, continued the march, and
arrived without accident at the halting-place (Daro). Here we
at once received a reply from Mucunjure, who sent to Gonfalo
Gaetano Pereira that the latter, although the people of the
village maltreated us without right, had done badly in wounding^
the Fumo’s son.* Gonpalo Gaetano Pereira replied that the
Muizas having attacked us without a cause, we at last fired
upon them. With this new message we despatched an ivory,
by way of blackmail. Mucunjure thought it too little ; never-
theless, he sent to say that on the morrow he would hear the
whites, and if they were in the right he would punish the
Muizas. Another tusk was sent to him, but as it did not
come up to liis wishes, he received a copper bar, which proved
satisfactory. He seut to say that on the next day he would
supply us with a guide to a certain place, where we would be
able to buy provisions at will. Meanwhile midnight had

Another Gaflre of Gonpalo Gaetano Pereira, who had been
sent to the Fumo, shrewdly suspecting from certain expressions,
and from the preparations which he saw, that the people
intended to attack us, reported it to his master. The latter,
being under the idea that all the Gaffres respected him as the
Head White Man, and convinced by the Fumo’s words, not only
disbelieved his Gaffres, but also the more to ridicule and vilify
his informant, did not communicate to me the man’s suspicions,
which I should have examiued with all circumspcctiomt

Ath . — Preparing early for the march, we awaited the pro-
mised guide till 7 a.m. As he did not appear, and the sun
waxed warm, we set out for the. place where we expected to buy
food, not having any for that day. Suspecting no evil from the
Fumo, we looked forward to meeting his guide upon the road,
in which, indeed, he failed us, the better to carry out the
treachery meditated by him. Presently appeared four Gaffres,
saying that they were sent by the Fumo to conduct us ; whilst
giving this pretended message, crowds of Muizas issued from
their ambush, attacked us when they saw no guns, and seizing
a chain-gang (gargalheira) of negroes, pursued them into the
bush, without allowing them to drop their loads.

• Africans, like the Bedawin of Arabia, make a great difference between com-
paratively harmless and mortal weapons. The Muizas were throwing only clods
or stones, but the slave fired a gun, and this in the savage mind justifies a serious
affray.

t So it is that the oldest African travellers are sometimes taken unawares by the
inconsequence of the child-like natives.

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156 FK. PINTO’S CONTINUATION OF THE JOURNAL. Chap. VI.

Our slaves, terrified by the war-drum, fell into confusion, but
soon recovered themselves enough to rob all our stuffs, which
they carried in their “ quitundos.” * These are baskets in
bandbox shape, made of scraped and thinned wood. I thus lost
all my clean clothing (aceio), and what remained of my pro-
visions : the only thing that could be saved was a box contain-
ing some shirts, whicli the plunderers had either forgotten, or
had not yet touched, seeing me walk towards it. Withal,
caring little for the loss thus inflicted upon me, I hurried up in
the hope of saving my papers. Finding them scattered over
the ground, my grief and disgust were such, that, forgetting
danger and death, I busied myself in recovering them. Amongst
these last were the order for Jos4 Rodrigues Caleja’s arrest,
with the countersignature of Manoel dos Santos at the foot.

When I had collected what I could, my Caffres, who hitherto
had not been seen, came up and reported that the Muizas had
carried off three of the gang, cutting their neck ropes, which
were of leather. I requested them carefully to look after my
papers, and the bandboxes containing them.

At this moment appeared Gonfalo Gaetano Pereira, who told
me that he was going off into the bushes to find a path to the
Aruangoa River, as he now considered the road throughout
the Muiza country closed ; and that to march the men freely
he would leave behind 600 arrobas ( x 32 = 19,200 lbs.) of ivory,
carrying away only the little wanted for the joumey.t

To raise his courage, I asked him if he intended to abandon
his capital without a blow. He said, “ Yes,” that he was now doing
so ; that on all sides nothing could be seen but Muizas collect-
ing to surround us ; that if this were once effected we could not
escape, but must necessarily perish ; fiiiall}’', that I also should
make ready at once to retire if I would avoid destruction. I
communicated Gonpalo Gaetano Pereira’s determination to
Lioutenant-Golonel Pedro Nolasco Vieira de Araujo, and told
him to prepare to abandon the property and retreat. Pedro
Nolasco, wishing to save his charge, could not make up his mind.
Hurrying about the field, I missed Gonpalo Gaetano Pereira
and his son, who had departed : this I told to Pedro Nolasco,
bidding him to push his work quickly, as we were alone in that
place.

He did what he could, and he retired, leaving much ivory

• These boxes are used throughout Unyamwezi and Africa west of Zanzibar,
where they are generally made of tree-bark. The Kisawahili name is Kilindo, in
the plural Vilindo.

t G. 0. Pereira was the only man that “ knew tl^p bush," and this action of his
may be looked upon as a signal for a general sauve qui peut. Of course nothing
could be more prudent, that is to say, more cowardly.

Chap. VI.

RETIREMENT OF THE MUIZAS.

157

to the Muizas, and the trunks and boxes to the sacking of
our slaves, who did not dislike an operation that ended in
relieving them of their loads. After marching some fifty paces,
I remembered the Archives of the Secretariat, committed by
Pedro Nolasco to the slaves of D. Francisca: not hearing what
had become of them, I retraced my steps to the place where all
remained, armed only with my gui\ and pistol. I at once
found the document-trunk, half broken open by the Caffres, who,
finding nothing but papers and books, had abandoned it, taking
only a little volume bound with red silk. I ordered the soldier,
Antonio Francisco Delgado, who was still in the neighbour-
hood, to finish opening it, and I committed to his care a large
book, to be brought to me with all the otlier papers.

I then joined Lieutenant-Colonel Pedro Nolasco, who awaited
me where I left him. We followed the path taken by Gonpalo
Gaetano Pereira and his son. After ten paces or so we heard it
said that the Muizas were on our traces, which obliged us to
huriy. Coming to a rivulet, with water to the waist, I had the
sorrow to see myself abandoned, not a Caffre of all who crossed
being willing to carry me over. At last, after many entreaties,
two men raised me, but fell with me in the water, wetting my
gun, which never left my hand.*

Whilst we were in the middle of the stream the Muizas shot
their arrows at up, and would have wounded or killed me had
not Canhae, a Caffre of Pedro Nolasco, who, being sick, could
not keep up with his master, put them to flight by a well-
directed shot, wounding one of them. In the first affray and in
this second none of our party was hurt, whereas of the Muizas
some sixteen suffered from our guns and bows.

Although the enemy had retired, we made a forced march.
As we were passing a little village, the inhabitants, who knew
our misfortunes, set fire to the grass, thinking to stop us, but,
at all risks, we forced our way through it. Till 4 p.m. this kind
of warfare continued : it was renewed successively by all the
villages near which we travelled, although we had left the road
and had buried ourselves in the bush and the grasses.

Seeing, a little ahead, a village which appeared deserted, and
being in urgent want of food, we halted opposite it, and sent a
soldier, with some Caffres, to find if it contained provisions,
and, if so, to let us know, that we might advance in a body, help
ourselves, and then burn the place.t The soldier, however,

• Dr. Krapf used his gun-barrels and the leather case of his telescope for carrj--
ing water to drink. (‘ Travels,’ p. 324).

t Of course this huccanecr proceeding was only making matters worse. It re-
minds me of the good missionary who asked the “ combustion ” of Tajurrah on the
Red Sea, because the chief had taken toll out of his dollars.

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158 FR. PINTO’S CONTINUATION OF THE JOURNAL. Chap. VI.

finding pombe beer, proceeded to get drunk, whilst the Cafires
packed up a store of provisions in their “ enhabudos.”* * * § When
their “ sitting upon pombe ” (funcf ao de pombe) was finished, they
burned the remainder of the provision, which was ample, and
the village, too — such was their terror — merely to avoid the
delay which would be required to collect rations, and in order
at once to continue their march. The Caffre owner of the place,
seeing this destruction from afar, threatened us with a night
attack.f We marched till sunset, the Cafires thinking only of
escaping as quickly as possible from the lands of the Muizas,
where they considered themselves unsafe.

Gonpalo Caetano Pereira, comfortable in his hammock, did
nothing but advance, halting only to rest his bearers. The
moment he saw us he ordered them on, without regard to
myself and to Pedro Nolasco, who were on foot, our Cafifres
having purposely left our hammock-poles on the field of insult.
When we could no longer endure such a march, we cleared with
fire a sleeping place, and issued the necessary orders for the
Cafires to keep watch. This day was dinnerless, because the
cook, in order to lighten himself, had thrown away all that he
had prepared. At length, unable to bear my hunger, I ordered
for supper a few beans, intended for seed, which had escaped
plunder in a little bundle of napkin stuff.

All fell into a deep sleep, and thus the Muiza of the burnt
village bad an opportunity of shooting during the night as
many arrows as he pleased ; six persons were wounded, j All
then awoke, full of fear and confusion ; the Muizas retired
before our gunshots, which did not take effect, owing to the
darkness. They contented themselves with saying that they
would close all the roads and kill every man.

5<A. — We made a forced march. The Cafires, terrified by the
events of the last night, and wishing to push us on, pretended
at each step that the Muizas were coming ; thus we had
neither halt nor dinner.§ This disorder was caused chiefiy by
Gonfalo Caetano Pereira being entirely ruled by his men. As
the Cafires would not carry me, I had to walk the greater part
of the way ; when Lieutenant-Colonel Pedro Nolasco, to whom

• Leather bags made of tlie skins of small animals, as goats and game,

t This kind of threat is almost always carried out : at any rate, one should ever
be in readiness for a night attack under such circumstances.

t In this case the travellers had no one to blame but themselves. They might
have bought the provisions, or they should at least have left tlic value upon the
ground. And burning the village was an act of wanton mischief.

§ The forced retreat may be compared with that of Paul du Chaillu at the end
of his second expedition. Happily for him he was young, whilst the poor priest was
not. Such searches in a tropical climate soon kill all but thoroughly sound and
seasoned men.

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Chap. VI.

FURTHER ALARMS EN ROUTE.

159

the hammock-men belonged, ordered them to take me up, they
dropped me after a few paces, and went on, saying that they
were tired, and leaving Tbehind my conveyance, which more
than once I vainly ordered them to bring up. Such are the
tame slaves (Checundas), who at times threatened to abandon
us, and to take to the bush.

6th . — Food being much wanted, we resolved to send some
Caffres to spy out a village where we could buy it ; this was for
the general good, but they were too frightened to go. Seeing
ourselves compelled to do as they pleased, we went on, not
knowing how to support ourselves and the wild slaves (escravos
burros^. After a short descent, a new alarm threw all into
confusion. When we asked the cause, they replied that we
were surrounded by enemies ; on examination, it proved that
some twenty Caffres of a village which we had not seen, fearing
lest we might plunder their provisions and burn their tents,
were frightening us with cries and war drums. We were com-
pelled to hurry away, and they made signs of following us,
when a gim-shot, which wounded one of their number, com-
pelled them to let us pass. Our Caffres could not believe
that the Muizas feared them, and all that the enemy wished
was to get rid of us as soon as possible.

Gon9alo Gaetano Pereira was attacked by a severe fever,
which caused us no little alarm; had he died, his Caffres
would hold it a bad omen, and would have deserted with the
rest of the Checundas, who doubtless would not have been
slow to follow. To-day I could not dine, there being no time,
and I could not sup, having only a single bit of roasted manioc,
given to me by Lieutenant-Colonel Pedro Nolasco. As the
Caffres would not carry me, I judged better to reserve the
food for breakfast, so as to gain strength before the next
march. My sufferings at night were great, but it proved a
wise precaution, the journey oeing long and hurried. The
flight of a slave with a large basket left me without any
clothes, except those which I was wearing, together with a shirt,
a short quilt (godrim),* and pillow-case.

7th . — We marched without accident, but in hot haste, seeking
some village where provisions could be procured. The bush
was so sterile that it did not yield a wild fruit. There were
signs of game, but the Caffres of Tote, who are most vile and
worthless in the bush, preferred hunger to the light work of
hunting. This day, Lieutenant-Colonel Pedro Nolasco sup-
ported me by sharing his breakfast and dinner. To lighten a

* Goilri U a Hindi word, meaning a coverlet quilted with cotton. The other
words in the text are “ lon(;ol ” and “ fronlia*.”

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, ICO FE. PINTO’S CONTINUATION OF THE JOURNAL. Chap. VI.

Caffre, who was blaspheming under a camp-bed (barra) ,* I
allowed him to break it up, reserving for bed-clothes a sail-
cloth ; and I already thought of cutting the quilt to pieces. The
hammock-bearers let mo fall, to see if, by so doing, they could
induce me wholly to dispense with their services.

Sth . — We struck out with more spirit, having now issued
from the unknown bush, and having hit upon the road that
led us to the Cazembe’s country. Many slaves ran ofif to find
food, thinking that without it we should die, and others were left
behind unable to move. At noon we reached the camp
(mussassa) of an elephant-hunter ; he had nothing to sell, not
even meat, our Caffres, who had preceded us having secretly
bought up the little there was with the cloth of which they
had robbed us on the 4th instant. All this day I had to walk
with unutterable toil, and Pedro Nolasco again fed me, as I
had absolutely nothing.

9th . — Before setting out, I sent off, in different directions,
three Caffres, with pieces of the quilt-chintz, to buy food ; I
took this precaution to avoid a repetition of yesterday’s affair :
with much difficulty we made a start ; weakness rendered the
march heavy, especially in my case, having with great labour
to make it on foot. Arrived at the banks of the Aruangoa
River, we found vestiges of Mutumbuca f villages, and we sent
our Caffres to buy provisions, which they always kept for
themselves, declaring that none could be found.

To escape this cheat, I crossed the river and exchanged a
little negress for a basket of unshelled ground-nuts (a kind of
almond also found in the Brazil), another and a smaller basket of
millet-heads (corn-cobs), and a “quissero” (a little vessel
woven with thinned and scraped tree-bark) X of ground millet
(Eolcus sorghum). With this purchase, I returned contented to
my companions, and distributed to them a small part. As it
was late, my dinner was raw ground-nuts (mandome cru), which
I was able to beg : Gonpalo Caetano Pereira seeing me present,
offered me, for ceremony, some of his, but it was not accepted,
lest he might feel the want of it.

lOfA^We advanced with more spirit towards the river ford,
in order to escape from the country of the Muizas, whose
memory to us was not grateful. Hardly had we reached it,
when we were told that Muzaranba, a certain Mutumbuca

V ’ * What, in the name of goodness, were they doing with a bod ? No wonder
that the slaves and Caffres refused to carry them,
t See Diary of August 20, 1798.

X It resembles the quitundo or kilindi, which I have before described.

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Chap. VI. PINCHED WITH HUNGER. ICl

kinglet, was waiting to plunder us, whilst further on was the
Mucanda. The news made us take the precaution of marching
down the stream, till we arrivetl opposite the country of the
Sengas,* where we could ford the Aruangoa and march straight
upon Tete. This determination was not taken till the Caffres,
who were summoned to our council, had agreed to it. Some
opined that we ought to leave our actual camping-place at the
shortest notice ; but, as it was late, the journey was reserved
for the morrow.

lltA. — Eight early we set out, flying from the new danger
which seemed imminent and nearest ; this made us hurry the
pace still more. In the great confusion of the line of march,
sundry slaves fled, and some carried off their loads of ivory.
I was borne in my hammock by the extraordinary efforts of
Pedro Nolasco, who took pity on the wounded soles of my
feet.

\2th-\Zth . — Already hunger was upon us, and at each
step the Caffres threatened desertion, when Providence threw
in our way, at the foot of the road, a freshly-killed she-buffalo.
By no means would I insinuate that this circumstance was
miraculous or mysterious, knowing that Providence is ever
directing its creatures to the ends which it purposes, by ways
which we may not comprehend. I have referred to it only to
show the delight with which we hailed the good event of the
present march. We ordered the Caffres to cut it up, but they
refused, fearing a “ Muando,” or palaver with the hunter ; and,
to prevent our remaining near the buffalo-cow, they pressed us
to advance. We persisted in wishing to purchase the game,
and at that moment appeared the hunter, who sold it to us in
exchange for a negress. It was then divided, and the feast
somewhat appeased our people’s hunger.

Wth . — Having meat out no vegetables, we made for some
settlement where we could buy them. After half an hour’s march
we found one : when, however, we wanted to purchase, a Caflre
came out and told us that his village had nothing for sale, but
that on the other side of the river provisions were abundant ;
he ended by offering himself as guide. We accepted, and
presently we sent him, \vith our Checundas, to the place referred

* According to Montciro and Gamitto (p. 47) the Sengas live to the east of the
“Chevas (Shevas). and near the mouth of the Aruangoa River. Dr. Livingstone
Second Expedition,’ chap. ix. p. 198) says : “ The country north of the mountains
here in sight from the Zambesi is called Senga, and its inhabitants Ascnga or
Basenga, but all appear to be of the same family as the rest of the Manganja and
Marave.” In M. Erhardt’s map there are two ehief ferries over the faneiful lake,
and the northern, or the western, shore is called Ze'nga, answering to the Taenga
of Dr. Livingstone’s map. The inhabited island in the Bemba or Bangweolo Lake
explains, I have said, part of the “ Mombas Mission Map.'*

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162 FB. PINTO’S CONTINUATION OF THE JOURNAL. Chap. VU

to, that they might return and let us know the prices. Mean-
while the whole party proceeded to procure shelter in the bush,
which the dry grass and the small tree-motts or clumps afforded
on the river-hanks, very distant from that village. At 5 P.M. our
Caffres returned, saying that they had found plenty of pro-
visions, for which the owners wanted ivory and slaves. This
good news gave us courage, and we reserved our purchases for
the next day.

15th. — Gon^alo Gaetano Pereira and Pedro Nolasco sent two
ivories ; I, having none, despatched a pair of slaves, with whom
the purchase was spe^ily effected, whereas the tusks were
rejected as cracked (por ter raxa). We were kept waiting for
some time as the grain was not husked, and the Checundas left
things in this state, caring for little beyond their own invest-
ments. Seeing my small store of food gradually disappear, and
fearing lest that just bought should not come till after a long
delay, I sent a third slave and all my rags to be bartered for a
supply from another place. Here I tore m strips the only sheet
left to me.

16<A. — The purchased provisions came ; they did not suffice,^
the cause being the thieving of the buyers ; so I sent to lay in
more ; at this same time dried flesh of elephants, bufifldoes, and
other wild beasts was bought and exchanged for slaves.

11th and 18<A. — The Caffre purchasers having returned,
bringing the provisions, we continued our journey without
accident.

12th . — When about to leave our nighting-place, two Caffre
hunters came up, shouting and saying that our people had
robbed their medicines (mezinhas) and tobacco ; and that if the
stolen goods were not returned, they would maltreat and wound
the whole party. With such threats those two Caffres halted a
body of some three hundred people. We satisfied the com-
plainants, there being no other remedy, and we continued our
march, seeking a fit place for buying a new store of food.

22th . — At 10‘30 P.M. three lions passed near our encampment,
and threw everything into the greatest confusion with their
terrible roarings. Though perceiving us, they granted us the
immunity of guests, and glutting their ferocity by falling upon
a camp of hunters, they carried off a Caffre.*

21s^23rd. — Having bought provisions, we continued our
journey, and at noon we crossed the river, the Caffres being
unwilling to march opposite the land of the Sengas, which they
now found to be far off

* Tho next “ Cazetnbe Expedition '* also Buffered from lions.

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Chap. VI.

THE EXPEDITION BEACHES TETE.

163

24<A. — At 9 A.M. we met a small herd of elephants that
opened out, and allowed us free passage.

25thr-27th . — Again we found ourselves under the necessity
of laying in provisions, and here we resolved to buy up all,
Gonpalo Gaetano Pereira having met with a village Fumo, who
was acquainted with him.

28th^0th . — The Cafifres, knowing all about our journey,
studied only the various ways of robbing us : for this purpose,
every ridiculous little Fumo demanded his blackmail, or “ dash ”
(chipata), which is paid only to the great chiefs or to the king.
Our men, however, were so down-hearted, that any threat com-
pelled us to disburse.

Oct. 31sf and November 1st. — As we passed a village, a Caffre,
protesting that we had frightened his herd, and that a bul-
lock had broken its leg, made a prize of an ivory, and hid
it. Gronfalo Gaetano Pereira, to whom the tusk belonged, com-
plained to the Fumo, who promised restitution.

Nov. 2nd and 3rd. — The tusk not appearing, and another
having been stolen during the night, we agreed that the Fumo’s
promise was a deceit, and that he probaUy had a hand in the
plunder. We resolved no longer to wait for his justice, though
he pressed us so to do, and, not wishing to lose another tusk in
the same way, we set out.

Ath-lth. — At 11 A.M. wo reached the “Bar,” or gold dig-
gings of Jose Victor de Sousa e Vasconcellos, one of the in-
habitants of Tete : we met the owner, who gave us hospitality,
and informed us of the safe arrival of that part of the
Expedition in which was Jose Kodrigues Galeja with his
followers.

8th . — Wo left the “ Bar,” and marched towards Marenga.

3thr-13th. — We arrived at Marenga, where Gonpalo Gaetano
Pereira has his abode and gold diggings, and here we halted to
rest the people and to lay in stores.

14<A-18<A. — At 8 A.M. we left Marenga for'Tete, and found
no provisions in the way, where before they had been abundant
and cheap.

l^th-22nd. — I took leave of Lieut.-Golonel Pedro Nolasco
Vieira de Araujo, who at once started for Tete, and I set out
with Gonfalo Gaetano Pereira for Bamba, where we dined.
I waited till night-faU before entering the Villa de Tete,
having a repugnance to appear by daylight without decent
ecclesiastical attire. Finally, at 6 p.m., I entered and met
various friends, who congratulated themselves on my return.
They had hardly expected it, since Josd Eodrignes Galeja,
besides taking away my credit, by depicting me as an object of
public indignation, had assured_,^them that I should never be

M 2

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161

LETTER OF P. X. VELASCO.

Chap. VI.

seen again. He certainly was persuaded that his outrages on
the road would suffice to cause my destruction.

(Signed) Francisco Joio Pinto.

LETTER OF THE CHIEF-SERGEANT PEDRO XAVIER VELASCO
TO THE HOME GOVERNMENT.

“ Qcillmane, November 14, 1805.

“Most Illcstbiovs and Excellent Sir,

“ I already have had the honour through two channels and on several occa-
sions of a personal interview with your Excellency. On these occasions I took the
opportunity to place before you the part taken by me, under His Excelleney the
late Governor Dr. Francisco Jos^ Maria de Laeerda e Almeida, in the discovery
of the African interior, and in undertaking to forward the communication of Angola
with the kingdom of Portugal. This was an enterprise on which he was sent by
our Sovereign, and in which he was etficiently seconded by your Excellency. I
also reported theconstant and singular zeal, activity, and honour in the Royal service
displayed by me during the discovery referred to. Thus only, confiding solely in
your Excellency's kindness, can I hope for a word of favour to His Highness the
Prince Regent, who, seeing and appreciating my zeal, and knowing how to reward
and encourage his faithful vassals, may be pleased to place me under an obligation
by showing some proof that my humble services are recognised.

“ Now, however. Excellency, four years have passed without any notice being
taken of those papers, nor do I even know if they have had the fortune to
meet your kindly regard, a circumstance which has discouraged and depressed me
to the utmost. Still, supposing that perhaps my ill fortune may have caused them
to be lost on the way by shipwreck, or by their carelessness to whom they were
committed for the purpose of being laid before your Excellency, I have again
resolved, after taking copies of the papers drawn out in an official form, to submit
them to you, hoping that you will be pleased to remember me. On the other
side, I SCO myself compelled to announce to your Excellency that having, in the
course of our journey, arrived at the kingdom of the King Cazembe (as is proved
by the said documents), it was announced to me in the month of October of the
current year, by the natives, that the King Cazembe had departed this life, and
that his son, after succeeding to the kingdom, had sent to inform mo how much
he wished and anxiously desired communication with us. In proof of this his
sentiment, he favoured me with a present, accompanied by reliable assurances
on the part of his messengers that he has also sent to the town of Tete an
offering to His Highness and to sundry individuals there. Therefore, prompted
by activity in the Royal service, I must say to your Excellency that His High-
ness's treasury suffers much by the want of such intercourse, since those roads
which were discovered on the former occasion are now closed. Thus nothing
more remains for me to inform your Excellency, except that your extreme goodness
and incomparable rectitude may deign to east upon me a compassionate regard,
and support me with the powerful hand of your protection, in favouring what
your Excellency better understands concerning my prayer — a favour for which
I shall never find expressions capable of conveying a just proof of my grateful
heart.

“ I am, with that respect which I submissively offer to the most excel-
lent person of your Excellency, whom God guard for many years,

“Of your Excellency the most obedient ^rvant,
“Pedro Xavier Velasco."

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JOUKNEY OF THE “POMBEIROS,”

FROM

ANGOLA TO THE RIOS DE SENNA
(RIVERS OF SENNA).

{Trandated from the Portugueie, by B. A. Beadle, Esq., Chancellier to the
Portuguese Consulate, Londm.'\

This Journal is very disconnected, and is manifestly written by an
illiterate man. Some of his phrases are most difScult to under-
stand : however, I have given great attention to them, and have
succeeded in all cases, I believe, in giving his meaning; the
original being disjointed, the translation is necessarily the same,
to some extent. — Tbanslator’s Note.

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•CONTENTS.

A. — Despatch from the Captain-General of Angola, Jos^ d’Oliveira Barbosa,

dated the 25th of January, 1815, enclosing another from the Governor
of Tette for the Count das Galveas, dated the 20th of May, 1811, con-
taining the following documents

1st. — Copy of the Route Journal, made by Pedro JoSa Baptists.
2nd. — Questions put to the said P. J. Baptista.

3rd. — Copy of the Letter from Lieutenant-Colonel Francisco Hono-
rato da Costa.

B. — Despatch from the said Captain-General Josd d’Oliveira Barbosa, with

the same date, enclosing copies of the following Documents : —

1st. — Letter from F. H. da Costa to the Governor of Tette, dated
the 11th of November, 1804 (translated in part A).

2nd. — Route Journal of P. J. Baptista, from the lands of the
Muatahianvo to those of the King Cazemhe, kept in 1806.
3rd. — ^Ditto from the Cazemhe to Tette in 1811.

4th. — Notes of the days of journey of P. J. Baptista.

5th. — Aecount or Report of P. J. Baptista, relative to his Journey.

C. — Notice of what passed in the town of Tette between P. J. Baptists, the

Governor, and other inhabitants. Written by himself.

D. — Declaration of Francisco Honorato da Costa in favour of his Pombeiros

(home-bom slaves) who effected the Journey.*

Legislative documents relating to the Explorations.

• (Note in Portuguese.) All these documents are published without the least
alteration, either in their orthography or anything else.

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( 167 )

(A.)

Most Illustrious and Excellent Sir,

I have the honour to bring before yonr worthy notice the
letters which were forwarded to me from Tette by the Governor
of the Rios de Senna (Rivers of Senna), which came by land, in
consequence of the discovery of communication between the
two coasts of Eastern and Western Africa, so much desired.
And on this occasion are embarked in the frigate ‘Principe
Uom Pedro’ the pontbeiroa (bondsmen) Pedro Joao Baptista
and Amaro Jose, of Lieutenant-Colonel Francisco Honorato da
Costa, Director of the Fair of Mucary, to whose enterprise and
labours is owing the happy result of this work. They take
with them the note-books of the journey, to be presented in the
OflSce of the Secretary of State for this Department. God keep

J our Excellency. St. Paul de AssumpfSk) de Loanda, 25th
anuary, 1815. To the Most Illustrious and Excellent Marquis
d’ Aguiar. (Signed) Josk d’Oliveira Barbosa.

Most Illustrious and Excellent Count das Galveas,
His Royal Highness our Lord the Prince Regent having,
in the year 1799, determined to see the openiim up of the route
from his capital of Angola to these rivers of Senna completed,
injj order that his people, both in Western and Eastern Africa,
may turn their commerce to more lucrative account than they
have yet been able to do ; and also that news may circulate
from one coast to the other with greater speed than it could do
by means of vessels, and having entrusted the opening up of the
Eastern side to the late Governor of these rivers, Francisco
Jose de Lacerda, and on the Western side to His Excellency
D. Fernando de Noronha, Captain-General of Angola, the latter
committing it to Lieutenant-Colonel Francisco Honorato da
Costa, Commander of the Fair of Casange, it so happened that the
former (Lacerda) died in the Cazembe’s country, whilst the latter
(Da Costa), by means of his slaves, succeeded in opening up the
western road as far as the same point. These slaves, however,
have been for five years at that place, without the means of
reaching this town to give the above information. Observing
this place to be somewhat destitute of trade, through the bad
imderstanding that has existed with several of the petty kings
surrounding it, and desiring by some means to extend its trade,
I invited to my residential quarters, in May 1810, Gonfalo

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168

DESPATCHES OE J. D’O. BABBOSA.

Gaetano Pereira, an aged man, and one experienced in thes&
inner parts. Conversing with him about the extension I wished
this captaincy to acquire in its commerce, I asked him to point
out to me some place to which our traffic could be sent. He
replied that formerly the subjects of the King Cazembe fre-

S iented this town, but that from the time when we attempted
e opening up of communications with those interior placesv
they bad ceased to come, and he said he did not know the reason
of it. Some declared it was in consequence of the disorders our

S eople created in the (lands of the) said Cazembe after the
eath of Governor Lacerda, and others that it was because that
nation had carried on war with the Muize people ever since
those days., I then requested Pereira to give me three of his
slaves to send as an embassage to the said King Cazembe, in
order to see if it would induce that nation to come and trade again
w ith this town, as it had formerly done. He gave me them, and
I sent them as envoys to the said King Cazembe ; and he, seeing
the said slaves on their arrival, decided to send me an embassage
composed of a chief and fifty of his vassals, by which he sent
me word that there had been in his kingdom for the last four
years those two persons who had come from Angola, whom he-
ordered to be given up. They reached this town on the 2nd
February of the present year, bringing me a letter from their
master, of which letter I have the honour to enclose you a copy.
On my asking the above men if they wished to return
voluntarily by the way they had come, they replied yes ; but
that it was necessary the means required for their transport
should be provided by me. I ordered for them 700 cloths with 250
reis fortes each. I reported everything to my Captain-General,
and asked him whether the Eoyal Council of that capital would
place that amount to my account, offering in case of their refusal
to defray the expense myself. To this despatch sufficient time
has not yet elapsed for me to receive a reply.

I might make some reflections to your Excellency on this
discovery, as I do not find a large amount of intelligence in
these explorers ; but, at the same time, I admit that, according
to their capabilities, they did a great deal. As they return
by the same route, I have instructed them as to the way in
which they should proceed on their journey, the inquiries they
should make as to the mood in which they find some of the petty
kings, as to whether they will really allow us to travel freely
through those parts, and what are the presents we should offer
them, on all of which points they have been tutored by me. They
promise to carry out the above oWects exactly, with wl necessary
clearness, and to deliver to His Excellency the Captain-General
of Angola whatever they may come into possession of bearing on

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the opening up of the countrj', all of which I acquaint your
Excellency with, that you may be good enough to lay it before
His Royal Highness our Lord the Prince Regent.

I have also the honour of remitting to Your Excellency the
Diary which the explorers have offered me, numbered 1 ; as
also a list of questions which I put to them, numbered 2 ; and a
letter which the Lieutenant-Colonel, the master of the above
explorers, wrote me, numbered 3. God keep your Excellency’s
Illustrious and Excellent Person. Residential Quarters of the
town of Tette, 20th May, 1811. To the Illustrious and Excel-
lent Count das Galveas, of the Council of H.R.H., Minister and
Secretary for Marine and Colonies. (Signed) Con.stantino
Pereira de Azevedo, Governor of the Rivers of Senna.

No. 1. (Copy.)

1806.

In the name of God, Amen.

The route which I, Pedro Joam Baptists, followed in myjourncy
from the Muropue to the King Cazembe Caquinhata, by order
of the Most Illustrious and Excellent Captain-General of the
Kingdom of Angola, for the opening up of the way to the East
Coast of Africa by the Rivers of Senna, a work entrusted to
Lieutenant-Colonel Francisco Honorato da Costa, Director of
the Fair of Casange, with goods worth two contos of reis, to
expend in gifts to chiefs on the way, in order to facilitate the
obtaining permission for the opening up of the road to Tette.

[1st.] Sunday, 22nd of May of mid year. — We started at 6 AM.
from the Muropue’s great farm, having stayed in the house of
his son, named after country fashion Capendo hianva, or accord-
ing to his post, Soano Mutopo do Muropue. We passed a river
called Ingeba, of four fathoms width, and a second river, Luiza,
which both run into the river Lunhua. During the journey
we csftne to the guide’s place, whom the Muropue had given to
us to conduct us to the Cazembe, the name of this place being
Cutaqua. We paid the guide ten chuabos and gave him a glass
of “ bixega.” We arrived at the above place at nightfall. We
met many people going to tlie said farm of the Muropue,
carrying mandioca flour for their masters. We marched with
the sun in our rear.

[2nd.] Wednesday, 8th of June. — We got up at seven, and
started from the guide’s place. We passed three narrow
running streams, whose names we do not know, which run into

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the river Zniza (Lniza ?), and we came to the farm of the black
named Caquiza Muegi, a slave of the Muropne, near a small
stream, the water of which they drink. He sent us to lodge in
his houses, and we gave him two “ chuabos.”* We arrived there
at noon, and met no one, neither did we do anything. We
marched with the sun as before.

[3rd.] Thursday, 9ih of same Month . — We got up at 2 A.M.,
and started from Caquiza Muegi’s farm. We passed five small
streams, and on the march we stopped at the farm of the
Quilolo of the Muropue, named Muene Cahuenda, to whom we
gave as presents six chuabos and two white twisted glasses
with bell-shaped mouths. We arrived at our halting-place at
four in the afternoon, and built our huts near the narrow stream,
of which they drink the water, called “ Izabuigi.” We marched
latterly with the sun on our left. We met w’ith no one.

[4th.] Friday, \0th . — We got up at dawn, and started from
Muene Cahuenda’s farm. We passed four streams — names not
known — and continuing on our journey passed a river three
fathoms wide, called Mue-me, and came to our desert halting-
place, beyond and near the stream called Canahia, which
empties into the said river Mue-me ; on the other side of the
river Canahia we found houses already made by the travellers
of the country called Canoguesa, who were come to bring their
tribute to their Muropue. We arrived at three in the after-
noon. We travelled with the sun as before, and met ten blacks
who had gone to buy salt at the Salina.

[5th.] Saturday, IKA. — ^We got up at five a.m. and left our
desert-lodging. We passed three narrow turbulent rivers on
the way, and came to another desert halting-place, near the
narrow stream called “Quipungo.” The farm of some of
Muropue’s black people was near, but we did not speak to any
of them. We arrived at the said halting-place at noon, having
marched with the sun on our left. We made a halt there to
get necessary provisions.

[6th.] Sunday, 12th . — We left our desert-lodging, having
got up at cockcrow. We passed three narrow rivers, which run
into the river called Calalimo — the names of them we do not
know — and came to another desert lodging made of thick bushes
staked to keep off wild beasts, near the said river Calalimo,

* In page 237, the Chnabo, or Xoabo, is explained to mean an East-Indian
cloth ; in other places it appears to he a measure. — R. F, 1).

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which is ten fathoms wide, more or less; we arrived at the
said stopping-place at noon, and had a little rain. We met
no one.

[7th.] Monday, IZth . — At 2 A.M. we left the desert, and
passed over eleven small streams. We marched up the valley
of the before-mentioned river Calalimo, and during this journey
we came to a halting-place near a river called Camu-sangagUa,
on the other side of which we reached our halting-place at night-
fall, and passed the night out, although the rain was falling.
We marched with the sun on our left.

[8th.] Tuesday, \Aih. — We started from our desert halting-
place, near the river Camu-sangagila, which we left at 8 a.m.
We passed five running streamlets, and during the march we
came to the farm of a black named Muene Cassa, near a rivulet,
name not known, on the further bank of which we talked with
the said black about this our journey, that we were going to
Cazembe, being sent by Muropue. The farm was at some dis-
tance from our halting-place. We gave a small mirror as a
present, and a chuabo of red “ serafina ” (a kind of tissue).
We arrived at three in the afternoon, and marched with the
sun as before.

[9th.] Wednesday, \bth . — We started from the farm of
Muene Cassa at 7 A.M., passed the (nine ?) narrow streams, and
during the march we came to the halting-place direct,* still
near the river Calalimo. We arrived at the said place at 2
P.M., having met with no one. We marched with the sun as
before.

[10th.] Thwsday, IGth . — We got up and started at early
dawn. We passed three narrow running streams by bridges,
and came to another desert halting-place near a small river.
We arrived there at mid-day, and built near the same river.
Some men were in our ^rear belonging to Soana Mulopo, sent
by him to buy salt ; we met no one.

[11th.] Friday, VJth . — We got up and started at 5 A.M.
from the lodging above named. We forded a running river
called Koando, two fathoms wide, which runs into the river
Lunheca. During our march wo passed anotlier narrow river
called Kova, which may be, more or less, thirteen fathoms wide.

* Direito, direct, may be an error for deserto, desert, deserted. — R. F. B.

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This also runs into the Lunhoca. The farm of a black, called
Fumo Ahilombe of the Muropue, was some distance from us, but
that did not cause us any trouble. We arrived there at noon,
and built near the same river, meeting with no one.

[12th.] Saturday, 18<7t. — At 5 a.m. we got up and started
from the farm of Fumo Ahilombe. We passed six narrow rivers
which run into the Kova, and during the march we came to the
desert halting-place, beyond and near the river called Cazale.
This stream may be, more or less, twenty fathoms wide, witli
water up to our waists. It runs into the river Lunheca. We
reached the said place about nightfall. We met several people
loaded with dry fish, which they were going to sell at the
Muropue’s farm. We marched with the sun on our left, and
saw nothing of importance.

[13th.] Sunday, Idth. — We left our desert halting-place
above mentioned at 6 a.m. We passed no river, and, continuing
our journey, we came to the farm of the Luilolo (Quilolo) of the
Muropue, called Caponco Bumba Ajala, and we conversed with
him about the journey we were making by order of the
Muropue to the Cazembe. He answered that it was well, and
directly ordered us some eatables on behalf of his master the
Muropue. W'e gave him a present of four chuabos and a mirror.
We reached the said city at 4 p.m., near the river called Muncuzu.
We met no one.

[14th.l Monday, 2(Hh . — We started at two a.m. from the
farm of Capomo (Caponco ?). We passed a stream, and during
our march crossed in a canoe a river, called Caginrige. The
pilots of the Quilolo Mnene Mene, who is Lord of this port, took
us across. This river may be about fourteen fathoms wide ; it
runs into the Lunheca. We reached the farm of the said Quilolo
Muene Mene, and talked with him about the journey we were
making to Cazembe, by order of Muropue; he also answered
that it was very good, that the road was quite clear. We gave
him for this a muzenzo, containing a hundred blue stone-
beads and five chuabos of assorted serafina, and further forty
other white stones, and for his pilots two chuabos of Indian
cloth. We made our kraal some distance from the farm to keep
out of the way of the thieves who rob at night. We reached
there at 3 P.M., and met no one. We stayed at this place six
days to collect provisions with which to proceed.

[15th.] Tuesday, 5th July . — We rose at the first cockcrow,
and left the farm of Muene Mene. We passed four narrow rivers

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which run into the river Cnginrige, and we came to the farm of
a black, known to oui- guide as Soana Ganga. We spoke with
him about our journey to Cazembe. We reached there at 2
P.M., having met no one. We gave him no present. We
marched with the sun on our left.

[16th.l Wednesday, Q>iU . — We started from Soana Ganga’s
farm at 7 A.M. We passed two narrow running streams which
empty themselves ifito the said river Caginrige. We came to
the farm of the Quilolo of the mother of Muropue called Lun-
congucha, and the Quilolo is named Muene Camatanga. We
spoke with him of the journey we were making to the Cazembe,
to which he answered, that as many as liked could travel that
way. We gave him a present of five chuabos and a small
mirror, and fifty milkstone beads. W’'e reached this place at
noon. We marched with the sun as before, and met no one.

[17th.] Thursday, 1th , — We started from Muene Cama-
tanga’s farm at 6 a.m. We passed three streams which run into
the said river Caginrige. During the journey we came to the
farm of the Quilolo, the same before mentioned as Muene
Casamba, whither Camatanga himself directed us, in order that
his vassal, who had given us the guide, might supply us with
necessary provisions for our journey to Cazembe, made by order
of the Muropue. In this same farm we made a month’s stay, to

E repare the said provisions and allow the (manioc) flour, which
ad been steeped in water, to get dry. We met no one. For
the above service w’e gave two chuabos of woollen stuff.

[18th.] Friday, 9ih of August . — We started from Muene Ca-
samba at 3 A.M. We again passed the river Caginrige, and
during the march we passed another narrow river, the name
unknown, which also runs into the said river Caginrige. We
came to a desert halting-place, near another small river, wliich
we reached at 4 p.m. We built our circle (kraal) during rain ; we
met no one.

[19th.] Saturday, lOf/t. — We got up and left our desert
halting-place at half-past five in the morning. We passed a
running river, narrow, with stony bed, name not known, and
came to another halting-place, called Canpueje, near a running
stream, where we found houses dready made by the travelling
Arundas. We reached there at 2 p.m., and saw nothing.

[20th.] Sunday, IKA. — We left our desert halting-place,
from which we rose at 2 a.m. We passed three narrow rivers.

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During the journey we came to another desert halting-place,
near a stream, the name of which we do not know. We reached
the said place at four in the afternoon ; we met no one.

[21st.] Monday, 12tA. — We left our stopping-place at 6 A.M.
We passed a narrow running stream called Maconde,and during
the march we came to another halting-place called Lunpaja.
The farm of the Quilolo, called Anbulita Quisosa, was near, but we
did not talk with him about our journey. *We reached the said
place at noon ; we met no one, and marched with the sun on
our left.

" [22nd.l Tuesday, l^ih . — We got up and left our desert
resting-place at 5 a.m. We passed no river, and came to the
farm of the son of the Quilolo Cutaganda, near the river called
Een. We spoke with him concerning the journey we were
making to Cazembe. We gave as a present to the said
Quilolo two chuabos of blue serafina ana 200 cowries. We
arrived at the farm at 3 p.m. We marched with the sun as
before.

[23rd.] Wednesday, lAth . — We left the son of Cutaganda at
seven in the morning. We forded the river Reu, which is
about twenty fathoms wide. We came to the desert halting-

E lace, near a stream, name not known. W'^e arrived at 2 p.m.,
aving met with no one.

[24th.] Thursday, Ibth . — We started at 6 a.m. from our
desert stopping-place. AVe passed three narrow rivers which
run into the river Reu above named. We came to another
desert stopping-place near a stream called Qusbela (Quibenla ?),
which also runs into river Reu. The farm of the black, named
Muconcota, a chief of Muropue, being far distant, he himself came
to our lodging-place that we might give him something as a
present. We gave him seven chuabos of serafina of different
qualities. We reached there at three in the afternoon. We
marched with the sun as before, and met with no one.

[25th.] Friday, l&th . — We left our desert halting-place at
5 A.M. We passed four narrow rivers which run into the river
Qusbela. During the journey we reached a desert-lodging near a
running stream called Capaca Melemo. We arrived at the said
lodging at noon without rain. We had in our company some
blacks, who were going to buy salt at the Salina. We met with
no one.

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[26th.] Saturday, 1 7 ih. — W e started from our desert-lodging
near the river Capaca Melomo at 6 A.M. We forded four
small rivers, and continuing our journey we passed another river
called Eopoeja, which may be about thirty fathoms wide. It
runs into the river called Lubilaje. We came to another desert
halting-place near the same river Lubilaje, on the other side of
which we reached our lodging at three in the afternoon, without
rain. We marched with the sun the same as before ; we met
with no one.

[27th.] Sunday, 18<h. — We made a halt at the farm of a
black named Quiabela Mucanda, which is near the above-named
river Eopoeja. He stopped our road, in order that we might give
him something because he was a potentate of the Muropue’s.
Besides this he also gave us food to eat on behalf of said
Muropue, and brought for us as a parting gift a dead stag and
three quicapos of green manioca flour for our use. We gave
him as a present ten chuabos and a small looking-glass. He
said that we might continue our journey, and that had we not
given him anything, he would have taken our goods from us
by force of arms.

[28th.] Thursday, 31s< of Augmsf. — We started at cockcrow
from the city of Quiabela Mucanda. We passed two running
streams, which emptied themselves into the said river Eopoeja.
During our march we came to another desert stopping-place,
called Cancaco, on the other side of a stream. We arrived at
said place at noon, without fear of any Eegano (chief) like
the above-mentioned. We marched with the sun on our left;
we met no one on the way.

[29th.] Friday, Isf of Septemher. — We halted in consequence
the illness of our guide, who had his hand swollen from blows
received from his own slave.

Saturday, 2nd of said' Month. — We started from our desert-
lodging at two in the morning. We passed a river called
Quipaca Anguengua, of small width, and during our march we
came to another desert near a river called Eupele of four
fathoms width, which runs into the river Lubile. We arrived
at three in the afternoon. We marched with the sun as
before ; we met with no one.

[30th.] Sunday, 3rd. — We left our desert lodging at 5 a.m.
We passed no river, and came to another desert-lodging near
a river called “ White,” because of its white sand ; it discharges
itself into the river Lububuri, a small river near. We reached

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the said lodging at noon. We built our kraal on the other side
of the river, and met with no one.

[31st.] Monday, Ath . — We got up at 7 A.M., and started
from our desert halting-groimd ; we passed no river during the
journey. We came to another desert near the said river
Lububuri, which we did not cross. We arrived at two in the
afternoon, having marched with the sun as before, and having
met no one.

[32nd.] Tuesday, 5th . — We started from our desert-lodging
near the river Lububuri at six in the morning ; we passed no
river. We reached the river Lububuri, which we forded, the
water being up to our waists ; this river is about forty fathoms
wide, and has a stony bottom. We saw some people, the slaves
of the potentate named Cha Mu^nga Mucenda ; we spoke to
these people, whose language is similar to that of the town of
Cazembe. We arrived near the said farm at 2 p.m., we said
nothing about our object, and built our huts on the other side of
the river, near it, but distant from the farm. We met with no one.

[33rd.] Wednesday, 6th . — At seven in the morning we
started from near the river Lububuri ; we passed no river. Dur-
ing the journey we came to the farm of the said Cha Muginga
Mucenda ; we treated with him regarding our object, that we
were on our way to the King Cazembe, to seek for a white brother
of our king, who had travelled by sea, and to see if he was in the
said Cazembe’s dominions. This potentate is a chief of the
Cazembe, who renders obedience both to the Muropue and
to the Cazembe: the said Cazembe has left him to cultivate
all kinds of provisions, wherewith to supply all travellers coming
from the Muropue to Cazembe, taking tribute, and called by
them “ Mulambo,” as also for those who come from Cazembe
to Muropue, taking the tribute sent by the said King Cazembe
to his King Muropue. On the day of our arrival he presented
us with a murondo of pombe. This city of Cha Muginga Mu-
cenda, being the boundary on that side of the territories of
Muropue, the territory on this side being those of Cazembe, we
gave him a present of ten chuabos and two small looking-
glasses. He answered that he was preparing some food for us
to take to Cazembe, because that, halfway along the road, until
we came to the Salina, we should get nothing to eat. At this
same place we halted six days, for the purpose of collecting
extra provisions. We reached this same farm at noon, and
we built some distance from it, near and on the further side
of a river called Camonqueje. We met no one. '

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[34th.] Thursday, 1th . — We arose at 6 a.m., and started
from Cha Muginga Mucenda’s farm ; we left our huts, passed no
river, and on the journey we came to a desert-lodging called
Musula Aponpo. We arrived at this lodging-place at 2 P.M.,and
built our huts to the east of the river “ Lubury.” We marched
with the sun on our left. After we had built, some slaves of
Cha Muginga Mucenda, coming with salt from the Salina, passed
and saw our lodging-place. We marched with the sun as before,
and met no one.

J 35th.l Friday, 8th . — Started at 5 a.m. from the desert
ging Musula Aponpo. We passed a narrow running river
named the son of the river Lunfupa (Lufula ?). During our
journey we crossed the said Lunfupa, the water up to our
waists; tliis river is about fifteen fathoms wide, it runs into
the river Luaba (Lualaba ?). We reached this at noon, and
saw nothing to disturb us ; we built our huts beyond and near
the river’s side, and met with no one.

[36th.] Saturday, ^th. — We set out at 2 a.m. from the desert
lodging near the river Lunfupa. We passed a narrow running
river, name not known, and came to another desert-lodging
near a large river-plain called Quebonda, with a small stream
in it; here we found some hlack hunters with the game they
had arrowed ; they were going the same way as ourselves, to the
Salina to buy salt ; they did not inform us whence they came.
We met no one.

[37th.] Sunday, 10th . — We arose at the first cockcrow, and
started from the Quebonda plain. We were till midday crossing
this plain. During our journey we came to a halting-place on
the top of a hill, called Inpume, near the river, two fathoms
wide, called Camoa, which runs into the Lualaba. We reached
the before-mentioned lodging at three in the afternoon; we
built our huts on the further top of the same hill ; we had no
rain. We met some blacks of Cha Muginga Mucenda, coming
from the Salina; they told us that the potentate Quebule, a
relation of the Cazemhe, governor of the salt district, was well.

[38th.] Monday, 11th . — We left our lodging on the hill
Inpume at 5 a.m. ; we passed no river. During our march we
came to another desert-lodging, near the stream called Catomta,
and the lodging called Muary Agoia, being in the lands of
Caaembe. We marched now with the sun in our front, and
arrived at the above lodging at noon. We met some blacks
coming from the salt districts, but saw nothing unusual.

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[39th.] Txiesday, \2th . — We staiied from our desert-lodging
Catomta at 6 a.m. ; passed a narrow stream. During the journey
we came to another desert-lodging, near a river two fathoms
wide, called Huita Amatete, which runs into the Eiver Lua-
laba. The said lodging being a long way ofif from the farm
of a black named Muire, a potentate of Cazembe, this man
came to our lodging at nightfall: we conversed with him
about our journey to King Cazembe, made by order of Muropue.
He answered that the Cazembe was well, and also his relation,
the potentate Quibury, Lord of the Salina ; he offered us no
provisions. We arrived at this lodging at 3 p.sr., without rain.
We marched with the sun in our front ; met no one and saw
nothing of note.

[40th.] Wednesday, \Zth . — We started from the farm of
Muire at 5 a.m. We passed a small stream called Mulonga
Ancula, which runs into the Lualaba. On leaving this place,
Muire obliged us to present him with something ; we gave
him a chuabo of Indian cloth and twenty small Canddo
(Canudo, bugles ?) beads ; he went away contented. We con-
tinued our joumev, and reached the desert halting-place called
Lufana (Quiana ?) Acananga, near a running stream termed
the Son of the Abulonga (Mulonga) Ancula River. We halted
at 2 P.M.; marched with the sun as before, and met many
salt-buyers travelling to the Muropue. We built our kraal
near the same stream ; had no rain, and met no one.

[41st.] Thursday, 14/A. — We started at four in the morning
from our desert-lodging Luiana (Quiana ?) Acananga. Dur-
ing the journey we crossed a narrow stream from the east,
called Luigila, which forms a large river-plain, where it dis-
charges into the river Lualaba. In this river-plain they get
salt; in order to obtain which, they cut the grass which is
there found, and burn it ; they then throw the aSies into small
pans which they make, and proceed to prepare “ luada ” water.
They make their general measure of a small pan, by which
they sell the salt at the rate of ten pans for a chuabo. We
reached this place at three in the afternoon, and built our
huts the other side of the valley. The sun was as usual;
there was no rain; we met with no one, and saw nothing
remarkable.

[42nd.] Friday 15/A. — Halted ; our guide being ill.

Saturday, Iti/A. — We got up at 7 a.m., and started frogi
the river-plain; we found ourselves descending into another
river-plain. Passing no river during the journey, we came to

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■the said 'river-plain ; we reached the said lodging at noon;
we went into the houses already made by the sal1>bnyers; we
met witli no one. The river Lualaba, where the potentate
Quibury was on the other side, being very distant, we had
nothing to say with his chiefs there, We saw nothing re-
markable.

[43rd.] Sunday VUh . — At 5 a.m. we got up, and started
in the river-plain, and found ourselves descending it We
passed no river. During the march we crossed the Kiver
Lualaba in a canoe. This river is about fifty or more fathoms
wide; it discharges itseK into the Lunheca. We came to
another chief of the same potentate, Quibury of the Cazembe.
The guide sent and gave notice of our arrival. He (the chief)
directed that we were to lodge near his walls. We did not
speak with him. We arrived at said place at midday without
rain, having marched with the sun in our front. We met
no one.

[44th.] Monday, 18<A. — We halted at the farm of the chief
Quibury, at six o’clock in the day. He sent for us, and
we conversed with him about our project ; that we had come
from Angola, sent by his friend our King, whom they call
Mueneputo, to see his superior, the King Cazembe ; also that we
were sent by Muropue, with orders to the said King Cazembe
to treat us without malice; that we were going to seek the
brother of our said King, who had gone by sea, to find if he were
in the territory of said King Cazembe ; and that we should ask
TOrmission to go on to the town of Tette to see if he was there,
for which purpose Muropue had given us this his guide Cutaqua-
seja, that he might deliver the message entrusted to him by
Muropue to King Cazembe. We so acted knowing that all the
chiefs would not let travellers with merchandise going to the
lands of others pass ; that if travellers who came to their places
did not trade with them, they would, little by little, rob them by
false pretences just like thieves. The Chief Quibury answered
that white men were to be found in Cazembe who had come
there to trade ; that he did not know whence they had come, or
through whose dominions ; that he heard a white soldier had
been found who had left those white traders ; and that when we
saw King Cazembe it would be well for us to treat with him.
He presented us with two handfuls of fresh-killed bush-meat.
We halted with him eight days, arranging all this. We pre-
sented him with twenty chuabos, one hundred milk-stones, a
small mirror, and a Portuguese musket. He then allowed us
to proceed on our journey.

N 2

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[45th.] Tuesday — At 7 A.M. we started from the farm

of Quibury, a relation to the Cazembe. We passed no river.
We found ourselves going down in the same direction as the
river Lualaba. During the journey we came to the halting-

£ lace near a stream called “ Chafim,’’ which runs into the said
lUalaba. We arrived at the halting-place at noon. We
marched with the sun in our front ; and built near this side of
the said stream. We met many common animals, and saw
nothing rare or strange.

J 46th.] Wednesday, 20th. — At 5 A.M. we left our desert-
ging near the stream “Chafim.” We crossed the “ Chafim,”
and during the march we came to another desert halting-
place near a stream called Bacasacala. Arrived there at two
in the afternoon, without rain ; we built our circle to the east
of the stream; marched with the sun as before,' and met witb
no one.

[47th.J Thursday, 2\st . — At 6 a.m. we left the halting-place
near the stream Bacasala (Bacasacala ?). We passed a narrow
running stream, and came to the top of a hill, the farm of the
slaves of Quibury. We arrived at the said halting-place at
2 P.M. We built our circle near a small stream, without rain.
We met no one.

[48th.] Friday, 22nd . — At five in the morning we started
from the place of the slaves of Quibury. Passed three small
rivers, narrow, whose names we do not know. During our
march we came to the place of the Chief of Quibury, named
Camungo. We did not find this chief at this farm, only his
“sons,” he having gone to the chase. They allowed us to
enter into their houses ; and we gave them a present of two
chuabos of Indian cloths. We spoke with them about the
journey we were making to Cazembe. We reached this place
at noon, without rain. We marched with the sun in front.
We met no one.

[49th.] Saturday, 23rd . — We got up at dawn, and left the
farm of the black, Camungo. We passed a small river, and came
to the desert-lodging. We began building when rain fell, and
we continued on in the rain to finish our circle near a small
stream, the name of which we do not know. We reached the
lodging at two in the afternoon. We marched with the sun as
before. At midnight two lions came near our lodging, and
kept us awake by their roaring all night. By God’s will they
did us no harm. We met no one, and saw nothing of import-
ance.

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[50th.] Sumlay, 2Ath . — We got up at 5.30 a.m., and started
from our desert-lodging, We passed three narrow rivers. Wo
came to another halting-place, the farm of the potentate
Anpala being distant half a league. We arrived at the lodging
at two in the afternoon. We built on this side of a river called
Ancula, without rain. Wo met some black salt-merchants, who
were going to buy provisions at the farm of the potentate Anpala.
We went with the sun in the same position as before.

[51st.] Monday, 2i>ih . — We started at cockcrow from our
lodging near the river Ancula. We found ourselves going up
with the said river Ancula. We passed a narrow stream, and,
during the march, came to another desert-lodging near and on
this side of the river Ancula. We entered the hunters’ circle.
We arrived at midday, without rain. We marched with the
sun in our front. We met no one.

[52nd.] Tuesday, 2&h . — We rose at 6 a.m., and started from
the river Anonla (Ancula ?). We passed two small rivers, whoso
names we are ignorant of ; and during the journey we came to
the farm of a black called tlie son of the potentate Pande, by name
Muana Auta, to whom wo did not speak, as he had gone to his
father’s farm. They ordered us to go in the houses of the people
of the said potentate Pande. We reached there at midday, near
tlie river Hi Lomba (llilomba?). We presented two chuabos and
a hundred cowries. It being afternoon, I went hunting, and
shot a deer. The slaves of our guide found a dead buffalo,
which had been killed by a lion. We met no one.

[53rd.] Wednesday, 27th . — At tw’o in the morning we started
from the farm called Muana Auta. We passed a stream called
Quimane. During the journey we came to the place of the
potentate called Pande, whom we did not see there the day we
arrived ; and he only entertained our guide, wlio came to us with
a demijohn of drink called “ ponbe.” The bearer brought in
word that he was occupied with messengers from King Cazembe,
and that he would see us when he had more leisure We arrived
in the said farm at two in the afternoon, and built our circle
near a river called Murueuxy, on the otlier side of it. We
marched with the sun in our front, and met no one.

[5Ith.] Thursday, 2Sih . — A halt, caused by the said poten-
tate; as also on Friday, Saturday, and Sunday, in order to
treat with him about our journey to King Cazembe, he being
a chief. We told him we were going to King Cazembe, from
Muropue, who had sent us with a guide capable of conducting

Maf

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us to the town of Tette, to deliver a letter to the Most Illustrious
Governor of that town, sent by the king whom they call
Musneputo. We presented him with twenty chuabos of good
woollen cloths, and he offered us two quicapos of millet and
thirty slices of dry buffalo flesh, and told us we might continue
our journey, and go on prosecuting our plan.

[55th.] Monday 1st of October . — We rose at 6 A.M., and set out
from the farm of Pande. We passed two narrow streams during
the journey. We came to the farm of a black named Cahiumbo
Camara. We did not speak to him on the day of our arrival;
only two blacks came to our lodging to see us. We gave them
no present. We reached there at two in the afternoon, and
were not persecuted for gifts. We went into the houses of the
travellers who go to Cazembe. We marched with the sun in
our front, and met no one.

[56th.] Tuesday, 2nd. — We left the city of the black
Cahiumbo Camara at cockcrow. We crossed a river, near
which we passed the night. During the journey we came to
the desert halting-place called Quidano (Quidaxi ?), near a
river, whose name we do not know. We reached there at
midday. We built on this side of it, finishing our circle in the
rain. We met no one. In crossing a large river-plain we
saw numerous zebras feeding there ; when we approached they
fled.

[57th.] Wednesday, 3rd . — We got up at two in the morning,
and started from our desert-lodging “ Quidano.” We passed a
narrow river, and during the journey we came to the ancient
farm of a black named Luncongi, now depopulated. We
arrived at our lodging at four in the afternoon, without rain.
We built our circle near a small stream, whose name we do
not know. We journeyed with the sun in our front, and met
with no one.

[58th.] Thursday, 4fh . — At 7 o’clock a.m. we got up and
started from the depopulated farm of Luncongi. We passed no
river ; and during the journey we came to the new farm of the
same potentate Luncongi, on the other side of a river named
Luvire, which we crossed by canoe — it may be about twelve
fathoms wide, and discharges itself into the Luapula. We
entered the houses of the farm, and spoke with the said black
Luncongi about our journey to Cazembe. We presented him
with a chuabo. He told us King Cazembe was well ; that he
was willing to get food for om guide who had brought us ; and

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with this idea we remained all day on Friday. He brought
for the guide four pieces of fresh meat, and for us twenty,
saying that in his farm there was a great deal of hunger.

[59th.] Friday, dth . — We started at 6 a.m. from the farm
of Luncongi ; passed two rivers, the names not known, which
run into the river Luvire. During the march we came to the
halting-place, near the same river Luvire. We came down with
the same river, and arrived at the halting-place at three in the
afternoon. We built our circle amid plenty of rain. We
marched with the sun in front, and met no one.

[60th.] Saturday, 6<A. — We started from the solitary halting-
place at cockcrow, and without rain. Wo passed no river,
and during the march, we came to the place of a small
potentate named Muene Majamo Amuaxi. We told him about
our journey, that we were going to King Cazembe, and pre-
sented him with nothing. We arrived at this place at two
o’clock. We built our huts near and on the other side of
the river called Musumbe. We met no one, and saw nothing
rare or important.

[61st.] Sunday, 1th . — At seven o’clock in the morning we left
the city of the .Muene Majamo. We passed no river, and came
to the place of a potentate called Muaxy. We conversed with
him, saying that we were going to King Cazembe, by order of
the Muropuo. He said that the heir to the state of Cazembe
was well ; and that he on his part entertained us on behalf of
King Cazembe. We halted one day for him to give us pro-
visions. We reached this farm at midday, and he sent us word to
occupy the houses of liis slaves. We journeyed with the sun
in front, and met no one. Presented him with seven chuabos
and a small mirror. Ho gave us five quicapos of small millet,
and sixty pieces of flesh, telling us to continue our journey.

[62nd.] Monday, Sth . — At 5 a.m. we started from the farm of
the potentate Muaxy. We passed a stream of narrow width, its
name not known, and during the journey we arrived at the
desert-lodging near a small narrow river, with stony bottom,
name of it not known. We reached this place at 4 p.m., without
rain. We built our circle on this side of the river, and we met
three blacks who wore going to buy salt at the farm of Muaxy
above named, having come from the court of King Cazembe.
W’e marched with the sun in our front, and saw nothing new.

[G3rd.] Tuesday, dth . — At 2 A.M. we started from our solitary

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lodging. We passed five streams — names unknown — and foimd
ourselves ascending a hill called Cunde Irugo. In the course of
the march we crossed a river named Cavulancango, at 6 A.M. we
started from the said Cavulancango, which is about seven fathoms
wide, the water being up to our waists when crossing ; it runs
into the river Luapula. We reached the said lodging at noon,
and built our circle on the other side, near the river. We met
six black slaves of Cazembe going to the eity of Muaxy. We
said nothing to them. Marched with the sun as before.

[64th.] Wednesday, IQth . — At 6 a.m. we started from near
the river Cavulancango. Passed no river. Were ascending
the hill Cunde Irugo. During the march we came to another
stopping-place, near a narrow river called the Son of Cavulan-
cango. On the top of the said hill we reached our lodging, at
two o’clock, without rain. We entered the circle of the travellers
on the other side of the river. Marched with the sun as before.

[65th.] Thursday, IDA. — We arose at 2 a.m., and left our
desert-lodging. Passed two running streams, and on the march
came to another desert-lodging on the top of the said hill.
We arrived during rain at six in the afternoon, built our circle,
and met no one.

[66th.] Friday, 12th . — At seven in the morning we got up,
and left the top of the hill. We passed seven narrow streams
which run into the Luapula. We came to another desert near
a narrow river, where we found a circle made. We met nobody,
and walked with the sun in our front. •

[67th.] Saturday, 13/A. — At 2 a.m. we left our desert-
loclging. We passed two streams, and pushing on crossed a
river called Lutipuca, five fathoms wide, nmning into the
Luapula. During the journey we arrived at the place of a
chief of Cazembe, named Sota. We did not find him in the
farm, he having gone to pay tribute to Cazembe. We halted at
two o’clock, without rain, and gave no presents.

[68th.Jj Sunday, 11th . — We started from Sota’s farm at
dawn. Passed the river Lutipuca a second time on foot. On
the journey we came to a desert-lodging near a stream' —
name of it not known. Arrived at noon at said lodging. We
now march with the sun on our right. We met with no one.

[69th.] Monday, Ibth . — At 5 a.m. we left our desert-
lodging. Passed no river on the march. We came to

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another desert-lodging near the river Lutipuca. We fol-
lowed it downwards, and arrived at it at noon, without raiu.
Marched with the sun on our right. Met no one, and saw
nothing new.

[70th.] Tuesday, IWi . — We got up and started from our
lonely halting-place. During the march we came to the farm
of a small potentate of Cazembe, named Munxaqueta. We
talked with him concerning our journey to King Cazembe, and
he sent word to us to stay in the houses of his people. We
reached this place at two in the afternoon. We presented
him with four xuabos of serafina cloth. He told us he was
pleased with the present, and directed us on our road. We
did nothing else.

[71st.] Wednesday, \lth . — We got up at cockcrow, and left
the farm of Munxaqueta. We passed through a magnificent
river-plain with little water, it is about ten leagues in length,
full of zebras, buffaloes, deer, stags, and many other animals
not known to us by name. We came to the farm of another
potentate named Muaxies, and of his brother named Quiocola :
we spoke regarding our journey to King Cazembe. We reached
this place at 4 p.m. Wo presented the two potentates with
twelve chuabos. They said King Cazembe was well. W^e
met no one, and marched with the sun as before.

[72nd.] Thursday, ISth . — Got up at five in the morning,
and left the farm of Munxaqueta. Had no rain. W'^e crossed
the said river-plain, and on the west of it canoe’d over the
river Luapula. Gave the pilots or boatmen two chuabos of
woollen stuffs. We came to the farm of a black named Tam bo
(Amtapo ?) Aquilala, and spoke with him about our journey
to King Cazembe from the Muropue. We arranged our own
matters, arrived in this place at 4 p.m. Built near the farm.
The river Luapula is about fifty-seven fathoms wide. We do
not know whore it discharges itself. Met no one.

[73rd.] Friday, IQth . — Got up at 6 a.m., and started from
the place of Tambo Aquilala. Passed no river, but followed
down the course of the river Ijuapula, and came to the farm
of Cazembe’s sister, named Pemba,* near the same river. She
directly sent us to lodge in the houses of her people. AVo
did not speak with her on the day of our arrival. Beached the
farm at two in the afternoon, having met no one.

* In the other journal it is also a sister. See page 217. — R. F. B.

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[74th.l Saturday, 2(Hh . — Halted in the Cazembe’s sister’s
farm, by ner own order. At two in the momiog, she sent for us,,
and we went inside her walls. She asked whence we came. We
replied, from Angola and the court of Muropue, who had given
us the guide. That we had come to speak with her brother
King Cazemhe, to get permission to go on to the town of Tette.
She replied it was very good on the part of Muropue to send
white people to speak with her brother ; that none of Muropue’s

E redecessors had done so ; that it was a very great fortune for
er brother Cazembe’s heir to the State. She offered us a large
she-goat, forty fresh fish, two bottles of a drink called “ pombe,”
and six quicapos of dry mandioca flour. We presented her
with thirty-two xuabos, a blue glass, and a “ mozenzo ” of a
hundred white stones. She said she was much pleased with our
gifts. Wo waited there that she might send notice of our
arrival to her brother. King Cazembo, as it is obligatory on her
part when travellers come to report them to her brother. With
this end we waited six days at her farm, when the carriers came
in search of us.

[75th.^ Saturday 21ih . — Got up and left the farm of
Cazembe’s sister at 7 am. Had no rain. We followed down
the course of the Luapula. Passed a river of two fathoms’
width, name unknown, which runs into the Luapula. During
the journey we came to the farm of a black named Murumbo :
we reached it at midday. We met no one, and marched with
the sun on our right. We lodged in the houses of the farm,
and saw nothing rare or important

[76th.] Sunday, 28th . — We got up at 2 a.m., and started from
the farm of Murumbo. We marched down with the above-
named river on our left. We passed two rivers, Lufubo and
Capueje, which run into the above-named river. During the
journey we came to the farm of a black named Gando, near a
river called Gona, here we gave no presents. We reached it
at six in the afternoon. We marched with the sun as befora

[77th.] Monday, 29<A. — At 5 a.m. we got up and started
from the farm of Gando, near the river Gona. We passed two
rivers, one called Belenje, the other’s name not known ; during
the march we came to the place of a black named Canpungue.
We reached this place at three in the afternoon, and met a good
number of King Cazembe’s people carrying firewood. Wo pre-
sented this black, Canpungue, with a chuabo of “ Zuarte ” or
Indian cloth ; he told us to continue our journey, as the Cazembe
was expecting us.

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[78th,] Tuesday, 30th . — At seven a.m. we started from
the place of the black, Canpungue — had no rain ; we passed
no river, and during the journey came to the place of a black
named Luiagamara, of the Cazembe. Keacliing this place
at four in the afternoon, we lodged in the houses near a river
called Canengua, narrow, and running into the river called
Mouva, near which Cazembe’s city is situated. We gave no
present to the owner of this place ; w'e halted there, and sent
forward a day’s notice of our arrival ; we waited a little time,
when the King Cazembe’s messenger arrived, bringing us, as
guest-gift, four murondos of a drink called “ ponbe,” one hundred
pieces of fresh meat, with some manioc flour for our consump-
tion, and also a message from King Cazembe, asking us to
remain at present where we were, that he would send for us
later. Day breaking directly, and it being two o’clock in the
morning, he sent for us by his chief, with orders that on our
arrival near the walls of his chiefs (ancestors ?), we should fire off
all our guns, as a signal that we had arrived at his capital. He
ordered us to lodge with one of his gatekeepers, named Fumo
Aquibery. We did nothing respecting our journey on this day :
he sent us for our people, however, some provisions, manioc
flour, fish, fresh meat, and “ pombe,” she-goats, and meats already
prepared ; ho said he would see us with great pleasure. When
morning broke, he sent word for us to come and tell him
what brought us there. We found him seated in the public
highway, where he was accustomed to deliver his judgments
to his people, surrounded by all the great potentates of his
councils. He was robed in his silks and velvets, and had beads
of various kinds on his arms and legs ; his people surrounded
him, and he had all his instruments of barbarous grandeur*
round about him. He sent to say that the guide who had
come with us from his Muropue should speak. The guide
said, “ I bring you some white men here from the king they
call Muenuputo ; they come to communicate with you. King
Cazembe ; treat them well, without malice, and execute the
wishes entrusted to them: grant them. King Cazembe, per-
mission, together with some guide, who you may see able to
conduct them, to go to the town of Tette, to deliver a letter to
the Most Illustrious Governor of that town, they being entrusted
with this mission in Angola, whence they came. Muropue also
strongly recommends you will do all necessary to despatch the
travellers where they wish to go, and afterwards send them
back to Muropue, in order that he may return them whence
they came.” The King Cazembe said that he esteemed it much,
and not a little, his Muropue’s having sent travellers from afar ;
that for a long time past he had entertained the idea of opening

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the road to Senna ; that he was very pleased to see travellers
from Muropue, none of whose predecessors had similarly acted
before; that he would do all in his power — not only pro-
vide a guide, but go with us himself as far as the War-
camp, to fight the highwaymen and robbers who meet with
and intercept people on the road coming to communicate
with him, King Cazembe. We had gone with King Cazembe
as far as a fitrm of his people, about half a league from
Cazembe, with numerous troops to escort us on the road ; after
this, a perturbation spread among his people, who did not wish
to fight, so the attempt was frustrated ; we returned to the farm
with him against his wish. He began to cast out his chiefs ; he
cut the ears of some, others he mulcted in slaves and manilhas
(bracelets); and on the second month he handed us over to
his chief named Muenepanda to accompany us with more people.
On our reaching a desert-lodging called Quipire, he turned back,
saying that the town of Tette was a long way off ; that the force
he (Muenepanda) had to oppose to the potentates he might
meet on the road was very small ; that he did not wish to run
any risk. We returned with him, and after waiting another
half month, the black, named Nharugue, belonging to Gonfalo
Gaetano Pereira arrived, and we started and marched in his
company till we reached this town of Tette.

King Cazembe is very black, a fine, stout young man, with
small beard, and red eyes ; he is very well accustomed to white
traders, who come to his court to buy and sell such articles as seed,
manioc flour, maize, millet, haricot beaus, a good many “ canas ”
(sugar-cane ?), and fish w hich the people catch in the river near
there called Mouva. Ivory comes from the other side the river
Luapula, and is brought as tribute by the people ; green stones
(malachite) are found in the ground, called “ catanga ” ; traders
from the Muizas people come and buy ivory, in exchange for
tissues and merchandise ; another nation, named Tungalagazas,
brings slaves and brass bracelets, cowries, palm-oil, and some goods
which King Cazembe has, come from the Cola (Angola ?), a land
of Muropue, also fine large beads. There is a good deal of salt in
that part, which they get from the ground ; there is also another
kind of rock-salt which is brought as tribute from the salt district,
on the road to Muropue’s territory, called Luigila, where he has
a chief and a relation, named Quibery, Avho takes account of the
Salina, and sends tributes of salt to his Muropue, besides buying
it of the travellers who come from Muropue. I have made no
entry of the rainy days we stopped, or of those when we were
detained by sickness. I saw nothing more at the Court of King
Cazembe which I have forgotten to write ; I saw nothing but
that already stated.

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Documents relative to the Journey from Angola to the
Kivers of Senna.

No. 1.

(December) — 1810.

Route Journal which I, Pedro Joao Batista, made on my
journey from Cazembe to the to\vn of Tette.

[1st.] — Lodgin" at Casocoma, a farm of our “ Cazembe of the
Road ” (guide), who led us ; he is called, after country-fashion,
Catara. This day we left the city of King Cazembe, at seven
in the morning. We crossed a river called Lunde, not very
broad, which runs into the other river Mouva, near which lives
the said Cazembe. We marched with the sun in front, and met
no one.

[2nd.] — Started from the farm of Catara Casocoma, at two
in the morning; passed a stream, and on the march came to
the place of a black named Quihono, slave of the daughter of the
Cazembe, named Quitende. W'e lodged in their houses; we
halted there, and waited for Cazembe’s road-escort, which had
stayed behind. A delay of three days was caused by the same.
We met no one, and saw nothing new.

[3rd.] — Started from the farm of Quihono at five in the
morning; crossed no river. During the march came to the
desert-lodging near a narrow river called Capaco ; and having
crossed another river called Bengeli, four fathoms wide, which
runs into the river Mouva before-mentioned, we met two blacks
loaded with dry fish, going to the large farm of the said Cazembe.
We saw nothing more.

[4th.] — Left our desert-lodging at eight in the morning;
did not pass any river during the march. We arrived at a de-
serted farm of a black named Muiro, near the same before-
named river we came down by. Reached this place at 4 p.m.,
marched with the sun in front ; we halted in the old houses
of the farm. We stayed at this place one day, waiting for
an ivory belonging to Catara.

[5th.] — Left the deserted farm of Mm’ro at two in the morning.

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During the journey we came to and passed a river named Luena,
about seventeen fathoms wide: it discharges itself into the
river named Carucuige. We arrived at the desert-lodging near
the same river Luena, built our circle, and met with no one.

[6th.] — From the lodging in the desert near the river Ben-
lengi, say Luena, we started at cockcrow, and came to another
desert (lodging ?) called Muchito Agumbo. We reached this at
two in the afternoon, travelled with the sun as before ; we did
not meet with any one.

[7th.] — Left our lodging in the desert Muchito Agumbo at
seven in the morning ; passed three small streams. During the
journey we came to the place of a black named CangueK and to
the lands of a potentate of Cazembe, named Muenepanda. We
reached there at three in the afternoon, near a narrow river
whose name we do not know, which runs into the river named
Panpaje ; there we halted by order of the said King Oazembe,
who wished to send some provisions to Catara.

[8th.l — Rose at dawn, and, without rain, started from the
place of the black Cangueli. During the journey we came to
the desert-lodging near a narrow river named Muangi, on the
other side of which we reached the said lodging at noon.
Marched with the sun in front, and did not meet any one.

[9th.] — At 4 A.M. we set out from the desert-lodging near
the river Muangi. We passed two streams, names unknown.
During the march we came to another desert-lodging near a
narrow river called Camicomba. We reached the same at two
in the afternoon; built our circle near said river; met with
no one ; marched with the sun as before.

[10th.] — From near the river Camicomba we started at six
in the morning. Passed no river. During the march we came to
another desert near a running stream named Caquietatume. We
arrived there at three in the afternoon. We made a stay of two
days there, awaiting ivory from the Cazembe. We met with no
one.

[11th.] — At cockcrow we got up and started from the desert
near the river Caquila. Passed a river named Lufunbo, three
fathoms in width. During our march we came to another
desert near a river, the name of which we do not know. We
reached there at four in the afternoon ; built our huts near said
river, whose further side we had foUowetl down. No rain. Met
with no one.

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[12th.] — At six in tho morning we set out from our desert
halting-place. Passed no river, and during the journey we came
to the desert-lodging called Luipiri. We reached the same at
Ave-Maria (nightfall) without rain. We occupied the houses
already built by the travelling Muizas. We met with no one.

[13th.] — At dawn we got up and startedfrom the desertrlodging
Luipiri. Passed seven small streams ; names unknown. During
the march we came to the village of a deceased potentate named
Luibue, whom Gazembe had killed in battle, and to the place of
a potentate named Muiro Aquito, relation of the deceased
Luibue. We arrived at two in the afternoon. We spoke with
him about the journey we were making to the town of Tette,
and stayed there as his guests. He gave the Gazembe of the
road (guide) two quiapos of maize and two fowls, and told us
we could continue our journey; that the way was open.
Catara gave, as a present, five blue stones. Nothing more
passed between us.

[14th.] — At two in the morning we started from the place of
the potentate Muiro Aquito. Passed three streams, names un-
known. During the journey we came to the place of a potentate
named Luiama Gabanba, with the soubriquet “Sapue.” We
reached there at midday, and built on this side of and near a
stream, of which they drink the water. He came to visit us,
but brought nothing to entertain us with.

[15th.] — At five in the morning we started from the place of
Sapue. Passed five streams, and during the march arrived at
the potentate Luiama’s own farm. Arrived there at midday.
Spoke with him regarding the journey we were making to Tette.
He answered it was well. We built near a river called Lucuetue,
and halted to buy some provisions, and, by order of King
Gazembe, to receive from him various runaway slaves who had
escaped on the last journey of Gatara’s. He, however, did not
deliver them, excusing himself by saying they were in the lands
of others of his subordinate relations, who were a long way off.

[16th.] — We started from the farm of Luiama at eight in the
morning, without rain. During the journey we came to the place
of a black named Lupupa. We reached there at two in the
afternoon ; built our circle near a river called Kungo. We
marched with the sun as before ; met no one. We did nothing
with him. We made only half a journey, because they wished
us to give something to the said Lupupa. We gave a “capu-
tem,” and they went away.

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[17th.] — At five in the mominf^ we got up and started from the
place of the black Lupupa. Passed no river, and during the
journey we came to the farm of the said people, whose chief
is called, after the country-fashion, Camango. We spoke with
him, telling him we were going to Tette in the company of
Gonfalo Gaetano’s black. To him we gave nothing. We
arrived at this farm about nightfall ; built close to it, and near
a narrow river, whose name we do not know. Had no rain.
Marched with the sun in our front.

[18th.] — At 6 o’clock a.m. we set out from the place of
Camango. We forded a river named Lunbanzenge, with water
up to our waists. During the march we came to the farm of a
black named Cacomba, on this bank of the river which we
crossed. We arrived at noon, and built near the said black’s
farm. We halted there, waiting for Catara, who was staying
behind. We met no one.

[19th.] — Started at six in the morning from the farm of
Mobengi. Crossed the river Hiabenge on foot. During the
journey we arrived at (the place) of a black named Quiota, who
came and paid ns a visit at our lodging in his own interest,
thinking we would give him something, named Luipata. We
gave him nothing = Halt.* Started from the farm of Cazembe,
which we left at 5 a.m. We crossed a stream, and came to the
city of a potentate named Mobengi Acalams. We spoke with
him about our going to Tette. We presented him a hundred
small milk-stones and a bag of salt We reached this place at
noon, and when we had begun building he sent us a she-goat
and two alqueires of maize. We halted there a day, awaiting
Catara. We met no one.

[20th.] — From our lodging at Mobengi’s place we started at
G A.M. ; crossed the river Heabengi on foot During the journey
we came to the place of a blacK named Luiota, who came to
visit us in his own interest at our lodging, that we might give
him something, named Luipata. We gave him nothing. At
nightfall we reached this place, not having passed any one.
We marched with the sun in our faces.

[21st.] We started out from the place of Luiota at two in
the morning without rain. We crossed three streams, names
unknown. During the march we reached the place of a black

• Evidently this is a march (No. 20), but for some reason, possibly a clerical
error, it is not counted.

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193

named Muazabanba, with whom we treated concerning our
journey to Tette, that they called Nhunque. The Cazembe of
the road gave him a“bixo” (slave-boy); ho gave as presents
two “ alqueires ” of maize. We reached this place at four in
the afternoon, having marched with the sun in our front, and
having met no one.

[22nd.] At early dawn we left the farm of Muazabanba, with-
out rain ; crossed three streams, names unknown. During the
journey we came to the place of the potentate named Capeco,
tlie farm of that barbarian being some way off. We presented
him with two bags of salt, which he took against his wish,
wanting cloth. We reached said place at three in the after-
noon, and built near a narrow river, name unknown. The sun
in the same position on our march, during which we met
no one.

[23rd.] At 6 A.M. we left the place of Capeco Calubunda,
crossing two streams during the journey, and thence we
left the lowlands we were travelling through, and went on
ascending hills of rock. We came to a desert-lodging near a
stream. We got there at four in the afternoon ; marched with
the sun in our front, and passed no one.

[24th.] Started at 7 a.m. from the desert-lodging, crossed
two narrow rivers; one named Eenzi, the other Macala. We
came to the city of the people of a chief named Muceba ; we
spoke not with them of any gifts. We reached this place at
four in the afternoon, built near a stream named Ca Meguigo ;
travelled with the sun in our front, and met no one.

[2oth.] From the farm of the people of Muceba we started
at early dawn, crossed two streams, and during the journey we
came to the farm of Muceba’s head-wife; she is not in the
place, only her “sons” are. We spoke to them about our
journey to Tette. They begged something for Luipata (a

E resent). We replied we had not brought anything to give as
puipata ; they did not cease to oppose us. We reached this
place at four in the afternoon, built our circle near a river,
name unknown, whose water they drink ; we met no one.

[2Gth.] We left the head-wife’s farm at six in the morning-
We crossed a river named Huombia, and came to the place
of a slave of the said Muceba, named Luinhiba do Cazembe.
We arrived with him at midday, without rain. In this place
Catara gave a bixo de Luipata (negro boy as gift) to the said

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194 ROUTE JOURNAL OF P. J. BAPTISTA

hlnck that the present might be passed on to Muceha, lord
of the lands. We met with two blacks, people of Muceba’s, and
saw notliing that caused us trouble.

[27th.] From the farm of Luinhiba we started at six in the
morning, crossed a river called Quibanga, and during our march
we came to the great farm of the said Muceha. We conversed
with him about our journey to Tette, and presented him with
a “Caputim while the Cazembe of the road gave him a black
woman. We reached this place at three in the afternoon, and
we built near the river, of which they drink the water, having
met no one.

[28th.] Started from the farm of the chief 3Iuceba at 8 a.m. ;
crossed a river called Luvira. We continued our march till
nightfall, and slept at a desert-lodging near a stream, name
unknown.

[29th.] Left the desert-lodging at daybreak; passed two
farms, called Calembe and Capelebanda. We came to another
farm of a black named Muaza Muranga, where we arrived at
Ave-Maria time ; built near a river named Eoanga the Little.
We treated of nothing with them. Marched with the sun in
our front, and met no one.

[30th.] At first cockcrow we arose and started from the
place of Muaza Muranga ; crossed no river ; and during
the march we came to the river Aruangoa, which we crossed on
foot — this river is said to be thirty fathoms wide. We arrived
at midday, and we occupied the houses already built by the
tVaveilers from Tette. Having a little time to spare, we were
found in the same place by a number of blacks, loaded with
tobacco, going to the other side (of the river). ^Vo met no
one, and journeyed with the sun as before.

[31st.] At dawn we left the river Aruangoa, aud marched
down in the same direction as the river. During the march
we came to the farm of a black named Capangara ; had a good
deal of rain. Arrived in this place at four in the afternoon,
and built our circle near a narrow river called Eubinba. We
marched last with sun on our left, and met no one.

[32nd.] Started at 8 a.m. from Capangara’s farm, crossed no
river. Came to the chief, named Muazabanba, spoke with
him about our journey to Tette ; Cataro, the Cazembe of the
road, gave a “ bixo ; ” we two chuabos of red serafina. We

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195

reached this farm at midday without rain ; built our circle near
the river called Matize, of which they drink the water; met
with no one, and travelled with the sun on our left side.

[33rd.] From Muazabanba’s place we started at five in the
morning; passed a narrow river called Lucingi, came to
the farm of some blacks, whom we do not know'. Arrived at
three in the afternoon, having met no one ; we marched with
the sun as before.

[34th.] We left the farm of the before-mentioned blacks at
six in the morning, passed two small streams, whose names we
do not know, and reached the farm of a black named Quiceres
Quiamorilo. We arrived here at two in the morning (after-
noon ?), without rain ; built near a running stream, name not
known, met some blacks loaded with tobacco ; marched with
the sun as before.

[35th.] From Quiceres Quiamorilo’s farm we started at
6 A.M., crossed one river, and during the march came to the
farm of the village of Capelema, belonging to two blacks, one
named Capanga, the other Quicuta. We said nothing to
them, and built near the river called Camba, not very wide,
of which they drink the water. Marched with the sun as
before, and met no one.

[36th.] Left the farm of Capangara at dawn. Passed a river
we are ignorant of the name of, and during our march came to
the farm of a potentate, Capelemena, whom we did not find
there, he having gone to his houses. We only found there his
head-wife and also his “ sons.” They began directly asking for
“Luipata.” The Cazembe of the road gave a “bixo.” We
reached this farm at noon, and built near a narrow river named
Lucunzie. Marched with sun on our left, and met no one.

[37th.] Left the farm of Capelemena at eleven in the
morning, and came to the farm of the sister of the before
mentioned ; we reached this place about nightfall. We treated
of nothing with her. We crossed no river, met no one, and built
near a small stream.

[38th.] At 7 A.M. we got up, and started from the farm of
Capelemena’s sister; we followed down the course of the river
Lucunzie, and during the march came to the town of a potentate
named Mocanda Caronga, and place of the black named
Quitanga Quiamuomba. We reached this place at midday,
without rain, built near it, and met no one.

o 2

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196 ROUTE JOURNAL OF P. J. BAPTISTA

[39th.] At cockcrow we started from the farm of Quitanga,
passed no river, and during our march came to another farm of
the people of said Moeanda. We spoke with them about our
journey to Tette, and gave them nothing. Arrived at three in
the afternoon ; marched with the sun as before. Met no one.

[40th.1 At two in the morning wo left Mocanda’s people;
crossed the great farm of tlie same Moeanda, and during the
journey came to another of his people’s farms, which we reached
at four in the afternoon, without rain ; travelled as before, and
did not meet any one. We gave no presents to the said blacks.

[41st.] At 6 A.M. we got up and left the place above men-
tioned ; crossed one river, name unknown. During the journey
we came to the farm named Ponda. We reached it at seven
in the evening, built near a narrow river named Luca ; marched
with the sun on our left, and met no one.

[42nd.] We started from the farm of Ponda, at seven
in the morning. We passed one stream, name unknown.
During our march we came to the farm of the people of the
potentate Gurula, which we crossed. We reached there with
drizzling rain at noon. Built near a stream, and met no one.

[43rd.] Started from the people of Gurula at five in the
morning, crossed a river named Bue, and continuing our march
we crossed three narrow rivers, and arrived at tlie city of a
black named Luiangue. We got there at three in the after-
noon, built during a good deal of rain, and near a river
named Daramenca. ]\Iarched with the sun as before, and met
no one.

[44th.] From the farm of liuiangue we got up and started
at dawn; passed a hill named Inamirombe, boundary of the
chief Moeanda Caronga’s lands. We came to the farm of a
black named Cairaire; we arrived there at two in the afternoon.
We said nothing to any of them about our journey, and met
no one.

[45th.] Left the farm of Cairaire at six o’clock in the
morning; crossed a narrow river, and during the march we
came to the farm named Capata. We reached there at four in
the afternoon. The people gave us houses to lodge in, so that
we had not to build our circle. Marched with the sun on our
left, and met no one.

[4Gth.] At six in the morning we left the farm Capata,

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without rain; crossed five narrow streams, names unknown;
passed the old farm of Gonjalo Gaetano; during our march
came to another old deserted farm. We arrived at midday,
with rain ; built near a stream, name unknown ; met no one,
and saw nothing of rarity.

[47th.] At two in the morning we started from the old
farm ; crossed a river called “Quiamuombo” the Smaller. During
the journey we came to a desert, and built near a stream,
whose name we do not know. Wo reached this lodging at
noon, without rain. Met four blacks loaded with maize. We
marched with the sun as before.

[48lh.] At two in the morning wo started from our desert-
lodging ; crossed a river four fathoms wide, name unknown, and,
coming to another desert at five in the afternoon, wo built near
a stream, the name unknowm. We met no one.

[49th.] Started from our desert - lodging at six in the
morning, crossed a river three fathoms wide, name not known.
During the march came to tlie farm of a black, whose name wo
do not know. We arrived there at two in the afternoon ; built
in the rain, near the “ Lovras ” (probably “ Lavras,” or gold-
washings) of the said black. We marched with the sun on our
left, and saw nothing nire.

[50 th.] We left the farm of the black above-mentioned at
two in the morning. We crossed three narrow rivers, whose
names we do not know. During the journey we came to the
farm of two blacks, named Catetua and Catiza ; we reached
there at two in the afternoon, with rain. We marched with
the sun as before. We met no one.

[51st.] At two in the morning we started from the farm of
Catetua, crossed three rivers, each three fathoms wide. We
came to the farm of Dona Francisca, named Maxinga. We
reached there at three in the afternoon, without rain, and
lodged in the houses of the said blacks. We marched as before,
and met no one.

[52nd.] From Maxinga wo started at 6 a.m. without rain;
crossed a river on foot, which had water up to our breasts;
we do not know the name of it. During the inarch we reached
the farm of some blacks, whose names we are ignorant of. We
arrived there at midday, having met with no one ; we lodged
in the houses of the farm.

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QUESTIONS PUT TO P. J. BAPTISTA.

[53rd.] At six o’clock in the morning we left the farm of
the blacks. We crossed a river, whose name we do not know,
and came to the farm of Gonfalo Gaetano, named Musoro-
anhata. We did not find him there ; only the father-in-law of
the same Gonyalo, by name Pasconl Domingos, who ordered us
to occupy the houses of the slaves of the above-named. We
reached this place at two in the afternoon without rain; we
met with no one.

[54th.] Started from Musoro-anhata at eleven in the
morning ; crossed two small streams, whose names we do not
know. During the march we came to the farm of Manoel
Gaetano, whom we found at home; he gave us shelter. We
reached thete at three in the afternoon with rain; we met
no one.

[55th.] At two in the morning we set out from Manoel
Gaetano’s place, crossed two streams, and came to the farm of
the said Gonjalo Gaetano Pereira. We arrived at noon ; met
some blacks sent by him. We occupied the houses of bis
Gaffres by his order. stayed in tnis place twenty days to
rest ourselves ; marched with the sun as before.

[56th.] At dawn we started from Gonjalo Gaetano Pereira’s
farm ; crossed a narrow river, name unknown. During the
march we came to the farm of a soldier named Macoco. Wo
reached there at four in the afternoon; met a great many
people.

[57th.] Left the farm of the soldier Macoco, at seven in
the morning. We crossed no river. During the journey we
came near the river Zambeze; we crossed it in a canoe to
this town, which we reached on Saturday, the 2nd of February,
1811.

[No. 2.]

On summoning to my residential quarters the two men,
discoverers of the road from Angola to this town, I put the
following questions to them : —

I asked their names. One answered, his name was Pedro
Joao Batista, and his comrade’s Anastacio Francisco. Asked
them whence they came, and by whose orders. They replied,
they came from the interior of Angola, by order of His
Excellency D. Fernando de Noronha, Captain-General of

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QUESTIONS rOT TO T. J. BAPTISTA. 199

Angola, who charged their master, Lieutenant-Colonel Francisco
Honorato da Costa, Commander of the Fair of Casanje, to send
tliem on a discovery, from that Western Capital to the Eastern
Coast, from which master they brought a letter for the Governor
of these Rivers.

On being asked when they set out from the inner regions of
Angola, tliey replied, they left the plantation named the Fair of
Casanje at the end of Kovember 1802; but tliat on tlie
eighth day of the journey they met with resistance, not being
allowed to pass beyond the farm of the chief Bonba, where
they stayed till the year 1805, without being able to go
either forward or back, to advise their master at their starting-
place, that he might send them some goods, so that the chief
would allow them to pass freely. However, as soon as they
were able to give such information to their master, ho assisted
them with goods, to allow of their passing ; and that, pursuing
their journey, they made a digression and went into the
territory of another chief, named Jloxico, which digression cost
twenty days. That in the said farm, people wished to make war
against them, and seize the goods they had with them, because,
previously to their arrival, a merchant of the same fair had
gone to this farm, and had taken, on credit, a certain number of
slaves, a certain quantity of wax, and some ivory, and had not
yet paid the said chief. However, they state that they con-
tented him with a quantity of cloths, and he allowed them
to leave freely. Continuing their journey thence they went
to the farm of Catende, a petty king, now subject to the
Grand Moropo, in which eight days were occupied from the
previous farm ; and going on I'rom this they went to the faiin of
Chaanbuje, disttint Irom the preceding three days; thence
they proceeded to the town of Luibaica, distant four days
from the last ; and thence they went to another farm, named
Banga - Banga, in which they occupied two days ; thence
they went to the farm of the Moropo’s mother, named Locon-
queixa, in which journey they spent two days; thence they
went on to the capital of the Grand Moropo, and it is from this
place that they began to keep the route-journal, which they
delivered to me, up to this town of Tette.

On asking them if, in this digression, since they had started
from the inner regions of Angola to their arrival at Moropo’s,
they had found provisions and water on the road, they answered
that they had found everything, and had paid for such things
with their goods.

On asking them if, since setting out from Moxico’s farm to
Moropo, as also from this to Cazernbe, and afterwards to this
town, they had encountered any marauders, who had attempted

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LETTER OF F. H. DA COSTA.

to I'ol) them of the goods they were caiTjdng, they answered no,
tliat on tlie contrary, they had met with much liberality in
many farms.

On asking them when they liad arrived at Cazembe, and for
what reason they did not continue their journey to this city,
they answered that they arrived there in the year 1806, and
tliat having no resources w hatever to bring them on to this
town, because of King Cazembe’s being at war with the King of
tlie Muizes, a country through which they would have to pass,
they reinuined in Cazembe till the end of the year 1810, when
tliey then came on to this town.

On asking them with what amount of hospitality the King
of Cazembe had treated them, they replied, that during the
whole of the four years he had supplied them with all they
needed, both food and clothing, so that all the time they wanted
for nothing.

On asking them if they wished voluntarily to return by the
same route, or whether they would prefer going by sea, as I
could send them to Mozambique, so that they might inform
their master of their proceedings, they answered that they
wished to go back by the same route, as they were desirous
of making a more complete and circumstantial route journal
than tlie one they had presented to me ; but that to enable them
to do this, I should have to provide them with goods from
His Royal Highness, to maintain them on their journeys, to

I irovide and pay the chiefs for safe-conducts, whom they would
lave to pass, and also to purchase some slaves to accompany
them on the route, and carry them should either of them fall
ill on the road.

[No. 3.] (Copy.)

Illustrious Sir, — The Most Serene Prince Regent, our
Lord, strongly urged upon the Most Illustrious and Excellent Dom
Fernando Amtonio de Noronha, Actual Governor and Captain-
General of this State and Kingdom of Angola, on which this
Fair of Casanje is dependent, the exploration and opening up of
the Eastern with this Western Coast. His Excellency also
ordered me to penetrate, if I could, as far as the Cazembe, where
it is known that the illustrious Lacerda, worthy predecessor
of your Excellency, had died ; and suggested I should
write and communicate to your Excellency this most important
object, so interesting to the whole nation, and so much desired
by His Royal Highness, to whom all his faithful subjects are.

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201

with the greatest consideration, so ambitious to render services,
and to unite in working together for the glory of such an excel-
lent Sovereign.

The importance of this communication led me to send
all my slaves on so serious an enterprise, though I was
obliged to be without them so far away in the interior, and
distant from the capital of Angola. This will be delivered to
your Excellency by my said slaves. I have striven in this
matter since 1797 to obtain from Sucilo Bamba, Cambambi,
Camapaca, and Mujumbo Actrlunga, potentate and ruler of all
Songo, a passage into the interior, to negotiate with all in
general, and with the potentate Jaga Caf-anje, ruler of the
lands in which this fair is situated. And for this reason, 1
turned to discover the means of communicating with your Ex-
cellency through the above-named potentate, Baler of all the
Songo, concerning the expenses it was indispensable for me to
incur with him ; although I dissembled with him as to the
principal purport of this business, by explaining to him the grief
in which I was living, through my ignorance as to the existence
of one of my brothers, who having taken a difierent route
at sea, it was reported had travelled by laud to Senna, and
thence had gone to Cazembe, where he died. That I was in
doubt as to whether such was the case or not ; that if it was as
stated, it would at once remove all anxiety, and I should, after
lamenting his loss, proceed to console myself for it, as is
necessary in this life ; and should then go on to inquire what
had become of his property, and who had succeeded him in
his rights. In this way, I succeeded in obtaining from him a
passage through his dominions, and sent my slaves, accom-
panied by his own vassals, to a country named Louvar, in
which the potentate Luinhame governs. He informed, I say,
that he was corresponded with and amicably treated, and in-
formed me that he had just sent to ask for a daughter as his
wife, to unite more closely the bonds of amity with those of
relationship. He offered to send and ask that friend (now
father-in-law, said to be to the west of the river Luambeje,
which 1 believe runs to the eastern coast, but am not certain
of yet, and who is a relation of Cazembe’s, and owes, they
say, allegiance to Cazembe) to have my messengers passed
safely and peacefully by his people, that they may reach
Cazembe. i write to the latter, requesting him to let these
men come on to your Honour witli my letter, by means of
which I expect to obtain an exact knowledge of my said
brother’s fate, and who has succeeded to his rights according
to the means that appeared best to me to adopt. Persons
who have been sent to (hat capital to get information, recom-

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DESPATCH OP J. D’O. BAKBOSA.

mend that tliese inquiries should be conducted with all care and
the greatest possible secrecy, so that the prejudices which the
blaclvs entertain against the whites may not be disturbed ; they
imagine that the latter never do anything except for their own
profit, and to their (tlie blacks’) prejudice, that the whites have no
sincerity, and only turn their actions to their own advantage
against them. Another great reason for the strife and jealousy
existing among the black nations is, that the whites endeavour to
profit by their superiority of situation and power, to subject to
them other nations inferior in force and position. They are
jealous lest the blacks should enjoy the same privileges, and thus
be able to remove the yoke in which they are bound. They supply
them, themselves, with some few things that they think neces-
sary, adding whatever they think proper to their cost ; prevent-
ing the others obtaining the same articles first hand from whence
they obtain them, and which they have thus the power of
supplying them with.

You will kindly credit the profound respect I entertain for
you, and honour me with your, to me, much esteemed corre-
spondence, to effect the long-coveted discovery, in pursuance of
the Koyal orders given to the Most Illustrious Governor and
Captain-General of Angola, at whose suggestion and recom-
mendation I decided to try and obtain those of your Honour
for the same end.

With all consideration, I most cordially kiss your Honour’s
hands, whom God keep many happy years. Fair of Casanje em
Carmo de Quiriquibe, 11th November, 1804. The Most Illus-
trious Governor of Senna and Tette. Your most obedient
and respectful servant, (Signed) Francisco Honorato da
Cost a, director of the Fair of Casanje.

(B.)

Most Illustrious and Excellent Sir, — I have the satisfac-
tion of laying before your Excellency the letter from the
Governor of the Rivers of Senna, which came by land, in
consequence of the discovery of a communication between
the two coasts of Eastern and Western Africa, with copies
of the letter addressed to me by Lieutenant-Colonel Francisco
Honorato da Costa, Director of the Fair of Mucary, to whose
fatigues and exertions this discovery is due, and the diaries
of the journeys and other intelligence bearing on the same
subject. The Pombeiro slaves belonging to the above-men-

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203

tioned director, named Pedro Joiio Baptista and Amaro
Joze, are embarked on board the frigate “ Prince Dom Pedro,”
to be delivered to the Secretariat of State, so that they may
personally give any other information to your Excellency.
The above-said Lieutenant-Colonel, through my intervention,
prays that His Koyal Highness will remunerate him for his
services to the extent that he deserves. God keep your
Excellency. St. Paul’s of the Assumption of Loanda, 25th
January, 1815 = The Most Illustrious and Excellent Antonio
de Araujo de Azevedo = (Signed) Josfi de Oliveira Barbosa
{Captain-Oeneral of Angola).

[No. 1.]

This is another copy of the letter of F. H. da Costa, tran-
scribed in Part A, No. (1, page 236, and translated in pp. 198-
202 of this Appendix.

[No. 2.] •

One thousand eight hundred and six. — In the name of God,
Amen. — Iloute Journal, which I, Pedro Joao Baptista, make on
my journey from Muatahianvo to King Cazembe Caquinhata. —
1st day of the march and lodging, whence we started from
the great farm of the said Muatahianvo, from his son’s house,
named, after the land fashion, Capenda Hianva, where we were
lodging, or according to his post, Soana Mulopo of the Muatar
hianvo, from which we set out at six o’clock in the morning.
We crossed two rivers, one named Igiba, of four fathoms’ width,
the other Luiza, both of which run into the river Lulua ; during
the journey we arrived at the place of the guide whom the said
potentate Muatahianvo had given us to the Cazembe, named, after
the country style, Cutaguaseje. We reached this place at dusk.
Met a number of people, who were going to the Banza (abode)
of the Muatahianvo, carrying to their masters provisions of dry
manioc flour, called “ Bobo.” Marched with the sun in our
rear, and saw nothing unusual.

[2nd.] Lodging of Cutaguaseje. 8et out at seven in
the morning. Passed three narrow runnng streams, whose
names I do not know, which run into the river Luiza. Con-

* This is the same Diary, with trifling variations, printerl in pp. IG9-188. —
R. F. B.

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tinuing the journey, we again crossed the said river Luiza,
aud arrived at the place of the black named Oaquiza Muexi,
a slave of the Muatahianvo, near a river, the water of which
they drink. Ho ordered us to lodge in the houses of the
owner of the farm. We arrived at midday, without rain, and
met with no one.

[3rd.] Lodging place of Caquiza Muexi. We started at
two o’clock in the morning. Crossed five streams, whose names
I do not know. During the march came to the farm of the
Quilolo of Muatahianvo, named Muene Canenda. We reached
this place at four in the afternoon, and built near the river
Isabuigi, of which they drink the water. Marched with the sun
on our left. We stayed here three days, the guide’s female
slave being ill. Saw no great variety of birds or animals.

[4th.] Lodging of the farm of the Quilolo Muene Canenda.
Started at dawn, without rain. Crossed four streams, whoso
names I do not know. Continuing our journey, we crossed a
river named Mue-me, and came to the end of the desert, on the
other side and near the river Canaia, which runs into the river
Mu^me ; here we found the houses built by the travellers
of the country, named Canonguessa, who were going to pay
tribute to Muatahianvo. We reached there at three in the after-
noon, having marched with the sun as before. Met some people
who had gone to buy salt in the Salina, called “ da Quigila.”

[5th.] Desert-lodging, whence we started at five in the
morning. Passed three narrow rivers, which were rough in
crossing. Came to another desert, near the narrow river called
Quipungo, the farm of some blacks, whose names we do not
know, slaves of Muatahianvo, being a little way off. We
reached this lodging at midday, without rain. Met no one, and
had no dealings with those in the farm. We saw no rarity,
nnd to procure provisions we halted here two days.

[6th.] Desert-lodging, whence we started at cockcrow. Crossed
ten (three?) narrow rivers, which run into the river named
Calalema, which rivers we do not know the names of, and came
to another desert-lodging of thick bushes, staked all round, near
the said river Calalema, which is about twelve (ten?) fathoms
across. We reached this place about two in the afternoon, with
a little rain. Met no one, and marched with the sun as before.

[7th.] Desert-lodging. Started from the same at cock-
crow. Crossed eleven nanow rivers, names unknown, and fol-

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lowed up the course of the river Calalema. During the journey,
we came to a desert-lodging near a stream named Camus-
sanga Gila, on the other side of which we came to the said
lodging at nightfall, and had not time to build our huts to sleep
in. Met no one, and saw nothing unusual.

[8tii.] Desert-lodging, near the river Camussanga Gila.
Started thence at five in the morning, crossed six running
streams, and, during the journey, came to the farm of a black
slave of Muatahianvo, named Muene Cassa, near and on the
other side of a stream, the name of which I do not know, the
farm above-mentioned being situated a long way off from our
lodging. We reached here at three in the afternoon. Met
no one. Marched with the sun on our left side, built near the
said place, and had no dealings with those in the farm.

[9th.] Lodging of the farm of Muene Cassa. Started from
this place at dawn, crossed nine small rivers, and, during the
march, came to a desert-lodging, still near the river Calalema;
reached this river at four in the afternoon. Met no one.
Marched with the sim, as before, and saw no beasts.

[10th.] Desert-lodging. Started from this place at seven
in the morning. Crossed three running rivers by bridges.
Came to another desert, near a small river, name unknown.
We reached there at midday, and built near the same river.
Some of Soana Mulopo’s people came along in our rear, sent by
him to buy salt. M!et no one, and marched with the sim as
before.

[11th.] Desert-lodging. Started from it at five in the morn-
ing. Crossed on foot a running river, named Roando, two
fathoms wide, which flows into the river Luliia. During the
march we came to another narrow river called Rova, and
arrived at the end of our march near the said Rova, which is
about thirteen fathoms wide, and also runs into the river Luliia,
the farm of a black named Tumo (Fumo ?) Ahilanbe, of Muata-
hianvo, being a long way oflf. We arrived at midday, without
rain, and built near the said river. Marched with the sun on
our left. Met no one, and saw no beasts.

[12th.] Desert-lodging. Started at early dawn. Crossed
six narrow streams, which run into the river Rova. During
the march we came to the desert-lodging, on the other side
and near the river called Cazalle, which is about twenty
fathoms in w’idth, with water to our waists ; it runs into the

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ljuhia. We reached this river at dusk, lilet several people
loaded ■«ith fish, which they were going to sell at the Banza of
the Muatahiauvo. ]\Iarched with the sun on the left. Saw
nothing new.

[13th.] Desert-lodging above named. Set out at six in
the morning. Crossed no river, and, continuing our march,
came to the place of Quilolo of the Muatahianvo, named
after the country Capoco Bumba Ajala. We spoke to him
about our journey, which we were making, by order of his
Muatahianvo, to the country of the Cazembe Caquinhata ; he
answered it was well, and ordered us to lodge in his “ sons’ ”
houses; he gave us as guests four moitetcs of flour and a
mutete of fish. We reached this farm at four in the afternoon,
near a narrow stream or river named Mucuza. Met no one,
and marched with the sun as before.

[14th.] Lodging at the farm of the Quilolo Capoco, from
which we started at two in the morning. Passed a dry stream,
and, continuing our journey, croased the river Caginrige by
canoe, the boatmen of the Quilolo Muene Mene, who was lord
of the port, having put us on the other side of it ; this said
river is about fourteen fathoms wide, and runs into the river
I>ulua. We arrived at the farm of Mene, the said Quilolo of
Muatahianvo, and treated with him regarding our journey to
Cazembe by order of the said Muatahianvo: he answered
nothing, and only said that the way was open. We made
our circle there, far off from the farm, and paid the boatmen
two beirames of Zuarte (Indian cloth), and gave the owner a
small looking-glass with gilt papered edges, and fifty beads of
roncalha. We reached this at three in the afternoon. Met no
one, and marphed with the sun as before.

[15th.l Lodging at the place of Muene Mene. Started
at the first cockcrow. Crossed four narrow rivers running
into the said river Caginrigi, and came to the farm of the black
known as the owner, and named by our guide Soana Ganga ;
spoke with him regarding the journey we are making to
Cazembe. Wo arrived at two in the afternoon. Met no one,
saw nothing uncommon, and marched with the sun on our left.

[IGth.] Lodging of the farm of Soana Ganga. Started at
seven in the morning. Crossed two narrow rivers running into
said river Caginrigi ; came to the farm of Muatahianvo’s mother,
Luconquessa ; found there his Quilolo, named, after the country-

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fashion, Muene Camatanga. We spoke with him about our journey,
that we were going to Cazembe Caquinhata by order of the Muata-
hianvo ; he replied, that people going from Angola to Cazembe
was very gratifying ; we gave him a beirame of linen and ten tile-
colored beads, besides fifty small blue stones for his “ quipata,”
which is a gift to the lord of tho land. We reached this city
at midday, without rain. Met a good many people going to
buy salt. Marched with the sun as before.

[17th.] Lodging at the farm of Muene Camatanga, from
which we started at six in the morning, crossed three streams,
which run into the river Caginrigi. During the march we
arrived at the farm of the Quilolo of said Camatanga, named
Muene Cassamba, whither Camatanga had directed us to go, in
order to obtain provisions for our desert march, by order of
Muatahianvo. With collecting these provisions we were detained
fifteen days. Met no one, and saw nothing unusual.

[18th.] Lodging at Muene Cassamba’s farm. Started from
this place at two in the morning, again crossed the river Cagin-
rigi. During the march crossed another river running into the
same Caginrigi. We came to the desert-lodging near another
narrow river, the name unknown. We reached said lodging at
midday ; built our huts during rain. Met no one, and marched
with sun on our left, and no beasts.

[19th.] Desert lodging. Started from it at lialf-past 6 a.m.
passed a narrow river with stony bed, and came to another
desert called Canpueje, near a running stream, where we found
houses, built by the Alundas travellers. Arrived there at two
in the afternoon ; saw nothing uncommon.

[20th = 21st of former Journal, p. 174.] Desert-lodging,
Canpueje. Started hence at cockcrow, crossed a narrow river
named Maconde. During the journey came to another desert-
lodging called Lunsaja, the “ libatas ” (settlements, villages)
of the Quilolo Anibulete Quiasosa, of the Muatahianvo, being a
short way off. Did not speak with him about our journey.
Reached this at four in the afternoon, and built near a narrow
running river, name unknown. Marched with the sun on our
left, and met no one.

’ [21st.] Lodging of the desert, Lunsaja, from which we
started at five in the morning, passed no river, and during tho
march came to the farm of the son of Cuta Ganda, near a river

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failed Reu. We spoke with him about our journey to
Cazembe. We reached the said city at three in the afternoon.
Met no one, marched with the sun as before, and saw no
beasts.

[22nd.] Jjodfring at the farm of the son of Cutaganda. Got
up at seven in the morning, crossed the river Reu on foot ; it
is about twenty fathoms wide. We came to the desert-lodging
near a small stream, name unknown. We reached said stream
at two in the afternoon. Met no one. Marched with the sun
on our left side.

[23rd.] Desert-lodging. Started from it at six in the
morning, crossed three narrow streams, which run into said
river Reu, came to another desert near a river named Quibenla,
which also runs into the river Reu, the “ libatas ” of the Quilolo
Munconcota being very distant. Reached there at three in the
afternoon, and saw notning unusual.

[24th.] Desert-lodging near the river Quibenla. Started at
five in the morning, crossed four narrow rivers which run inl;e
said river Quibenla. During the march came to another
desert-lodging, named Capaca Melemo, close by a running
stream. Reached this at midday, without rain. Marched with
the sun as before. Met no one.

[25th.] Desert-lodging, Capaca Melemo. Left at six in
the morning, crossed four narrow rivers. During the march
came to and crossed a river named Ropoege, which is about
thirty fatlioms wide, and runs into the river Lubilage. We
came to the desert-lodging close by the other side of said river.
We reached this at three in the afternoon, without rain, marched
with the sun on our left, saw no birds nor beasts worth
noting.

[26th.] Desert-lodging. Started at seven in the morning,
crossed two streams running into the river Ropoege, and con-
tinuing our march came to the desert-lodging called Cassaco,
near and on the other side of a running stream. Reached there
at midday, having met no one, and marched with the sun as
before.

[27th.] Desert-lodging, Cassaco. Started at cockcrow, crossed
a camping-place near a flowing river, very narrow, named
Quipaca Amguengua, and during the journey came to another

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desert-lodging, close by the river llopele, four fathoms wide,
running into the river Lububury. Keached this at tliree in the
afternoon. Marched with the sun on our left ; met no one.
Saw only some wild boars, who were feeding on this side of the
said river.

[28th.] Desert-lodging near the river llopele, from which
we started at first cockcrow, passed no river, and continuing our
journey w’e came to the desert-lodging near the narrow river
called White River, it having white sands, which runs into
the river Lububury. We reached said lodging at midday, built
our barracks near the other side of the said river. Met no
one. Marched with the sun as before; saw’ neither birds nor
beasts.

[29th.] Lodging near the WTiite River. Started at seven
in the morning, crossed no river. During the journey came to
the desert-lodging near the river Lububury, which we did not
cross. Reached this place at two in the afternoon. Marched
with the sun on our left ; built our huts on this side, and
near the said river. A number of people going to buy salt
in company with us. Met no one ; stiw nothing unusual.

[30th = 32nd in former diary, p. 17G.] Desert-lodging near
the river Lububury. Started at 6 a.m., passed no river, came
to the river Lububury, which we crossed on foot, and which had
water to our waists. It is about forty fathoms in width, and
has a stony bed. We met with people and slaves there of
the Quilolo of the Muatahianvo and Cazembe, named, after the
land fashion, Chamuginga Mucenda. Reached said farm at two
in the afternoon. Did not speak with them, and built our huts
near and the other side of the said river, a long way from
the farm. Met no one; saw neither birds nor reptiles ; marched
with the sun as before.

[31 si] Lodging of the Cio (Citio, a farm?), near the river
Lububury. Started therefrom at seven in the morning, crossed
no river. During the march came to the “ libafa ” of said
Quilolo Chamuginga Mucenda. Spoke with him regarding
our journey ; that we were going to Cazembe Caquinhata, by
order of the Muatahianvo. He answered that the Cazembe was
well. We reached this place at midday. He presented us as his
guests with a Sanga of Alo and eight moitetes of (manioc) flour
— four for us and four for our guide — also a small she-goat.
AVe built some distance from the hirm, close by the narrow river
named Camonguigi, but on the other side of it. Met no one ;
marched with the sun as before ; saw neither birds nor beasts.

1 *

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[32nd.] Lodging of the farm of Chamuginga Mucenda.
Started therefrom at six in the morning, passed two halting-
places but no river, and continuing our march came to the
lodging named Miussula Apompo ; reached this at two in the
afternoon, built our huts to the east of the said river. Marched
with the sun on our left sidej saw nothing uncommon. Met
no one.

■ [33rd.] Desert-lodging Mussula Apompo. Started at six in
the morning ; passed a narrow stream, named Son of the Kiver
Lufula, and continuing our journey we came to the same river
Lufula, which we crossed, with the water to our waists. It
is more or less fifteen fathoms wide, and runs into the river
Lualaba. We reached tliere at midday, having marched with
the sun on our left. 3Iet no one, and built on the other side of
and near the said river.

[34th.] Lodging of the desert near the river Lufula. Started
at live in the morning, crossed a narrow river, whose name I do not
know, and came to another desert resting-place, near a large
river-plain named Quibonda, with a small stream on this side
of it. Here we saw some black huntsmen, with the wild cattle
they had killed with arrows; they were going by the same
route to the Salina, to buy salt. They did not inform us
whence they came. Reached said lodging at two in the
afternoon, without rain. 3Iarched with the sun as before, and
saw nothing rare.

[35th.] Desert-lodging near the Quibonda, which occupied
us till midday in crossing. Having started at the first cock-
crow, crossed a stream, and during the march came to a lodging
on a hill called Jupume (Inpume?), near a narrow river named
Camoa, of two fathoms in width, which runs into the river
Lualaba. We reached this place at three in the afternoon,
built our huts on the side of said hill at the top, without rain.
Met no one ; marched with the sun on our left side.

[36th.] Desert resting-place near the river Camoa, from
which we started at five in the morning ; crossed no river, and
during the march came to the desert-lodging near the small
stream named Catouta, the lodging being called Mucary Agoia.
We are now in the Cazembe’s dominions. We reached here
at noon ; marched this journey with the sun in our front.
Met some blacks, who were coming to the salt districts ; saw
no birds nor animals of any rarity.

[37th.] Desert-lodging in the halting-place named Mucari

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Agoia, from which we started at six in the morning ; crossed a
narrow running stream, and, continuing our march, came to
the desert-lodging near the river, of small width, named Huita
Amalete, which runs into the Lualaba. We found, some dis-
tance from the halting-place, some huts of the Quilolo of the
Cazembe, named Muire, lord of the copper-mines. It is in this
farm they make the bars. We reached said halting-place at
two in the afternoon ; spoke with them regarding our journey,
that we were going to the King Cazembe, being sent by the
Muatahianvo. He answered that the King Cazembe was well,
and also his uncle Quiburi, lord of the SaTina. He presented
us with nothing. Marched with the sun in our front ; met no
one, and saw no birds nor beasts.

[38th.] Halting-place of the Quilolo of the Cazembe, Muire,
from which we started at six in the morning ; crossed a narrow
river named Mulonga Amcula, which runs into the river
Lualaba. On leaving the said farm Muire asked us for a
present. We gave him twenty small white bugles (missanga de
Canudo), with which he was contented, saying he could not press
us for more as he had given us nothing. Continuing our march
we came to the desert-lodging named Quiana Acananga, near
a running stream, sou or tributary to the said river Mulauga
(Mulonga ?) Amcula. Reached said lodging at two in the after-
noon, without rain. Marched with the sun as before. Met
several people coming from the salt district, going to Muata-
hianvo. Saw nothing new.

[39th.] Desert-lodging, Quiana Acananga. Set out from
this at two in the morning ; crossed no river, and during the
march we came to another desert-lodging named Mabobela,
near a very small stream. Reached this at four in the after-
noon ; built near the same streamlet. Marched with the sun as
before. Met no people, and saw many zebras, who were pasturing
on the plain.

[40th.] Desert-lodging of Mabobela. Started at cockcrow.
Crossed no river. During the journey came to the place of a
black named Ruibui, chief “Mauta” of the Salina (salt district)
Quigila ; we arrived there at two in the afternoon ; spoke with
the people of the farm about our journey to King Cazembe
Caquinhata. They answered, it was very fortunate to see white
people, whom they call Muzungos, coming from Angola. We
lodged in their houses. Marched with the sun in our front Saw
many birds named Hundas, a sort of duck.

[41st.] Lodging at the farm of the Quilolo Buibui, we

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started therefrom at six o’clock in the morning ; continuing our
journey, we came to and crossed the river Lualaba by canoe ;
this river is about forty fathoms wide. We arrived at the great
farm of the Quiburi, uncle of Cazembe, lord of the salt district
(Salina) Quegila ; he received us with great pleasure and con-
sideration, lodging us in the houses of his Quilolos. We gave
to Quiburi a present of blue “ roncalha ” and two beirames of
ash-coloured beads; at the port we gave fifty beads of same
blue “ roncalha.” We reached this place at four in the afternoon.
Met several of Quiburi’s people going to fish in the above river.
Saw a great number of wild cattle and small game. He
gave us as his guests a leg of wild bull, two quixinges of
dough or paste, two sangas of A16 de Lucu, called Caxai ;
he informed us that there was in Cazembe a white man
intending to go to Angola, with letters from the Governor of
Tette, who had died in Cazembe.

(42nd.) Lodging at the farm of Quiburi of the Cazembe ;•
left therefrom at three in the afternoon. Passed no river.
We marched down the course of the Lualaba; during the
march we came to the desert-lodging, its name not known, near
a stream called Chafim, which runs into the Lualaba. We
reached this place at midday, without rain. Marched with the
sun in our front. Built on the other side, near the said river.
Saw a great many animals, — zebras, wdld-cattle, muquetes, &c.

[43rd.] Desert-lodging near the river Chafim. Set out
from this place at five in the morning, and crossed no river.
During the journey we came to another desert-lodging, near a
stream named Bacassacala ; reached this lodging at two in the
afternoon, without rain. Built on the east of the same
stream. Marched with the sun as before ; met nothing.

[44th.] Desert-lodging, Baca,ssacala. Left this at six ia
morning. Crossed no river. During the march we came to
another desert-lodging near a narrow stream, the name of it not
known. Arrived there at noon, ivithout rain. Marched with
the sun as before in our front. Built on the other side of, and
near said stream. Met no one ; saw nothing rare.

[45th.] Desert-lodging. Started therefrom at six in tho
morning. Crossed a narrow stream. Continuing our march, w e
reached the top of a hill, the huts of the slaves of Quiburi being
seen in the distance. Reached this lodging at two in the after-
noon, with the sun as before. Built on the other side of the said
stream, 'without rain. Met no one ; saw no animals.

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[46th.] Desert-lodging on tbo top of the hill. Left this
place at five in the morning. Crossed three narrow streams,
names not known. During the march we came to the place of
tlie Quilolo of the Quiburi, named after the country Camungo.
We did not find him in the farm, but only his “sons,” he
having gone to the chase; his “sons” made us lodge in their
houses, under the countenance of the guide the said Quiburi
had sent with us, and who came in the Cazembe’s interest.
We arrived in this place at noon, without rain. Marched with
the sun in our front. Met two of Quiburi’s blacks, loaded with
provisions of millet and haricot beans for seed for the said
Quiburi. Saw no birds nor animals of any novelty.

[47th.] Lodging at the farm of Camungo. Set out at
seven in the morning. Crossed a narrow stream, name not
known. Continuing our march we came to the desert-lodging,
and when we began building rain fell ; built close to the other
side of a narrow river, name not known. We came to this
desert-lodging at two in the afternoon. Marched with the sun
as before in our front. At midnight two lions coming near
the camp on the other side of the river roared through all
the most blessed night, causing us to lose our rest ; but with
Clod’s help, no harm came to us. Met no one, and saw nothing
new.

[48th.] Desert-lodging, from which we started at cockcrow.
Crossed three small rivers, names not known to me. During
the journey came to the lodging of the ambassador of the
Cazembe, who was going to take the Mulambo to the Muata-
hianvo. Vfe did not see him, as he took a different route.
We put up at the lodgings of the said ambassador, named Ca-
buita Capinda ; the huts of the Quilolo of the Cazembe, named,
after the land-fashion, Ampala, being distant half a league,
and near the river Ameula ( Ancula ?) four fathoms wide, at the
other side of which we arrived at 2 p.m. without rain. We
marched with the sun in our front. Met with seven blacks,
dealers in salt, who were going to buy provisions in the said
Ampala’s place. Saw eight animals named muquetes, who passed
us one by one on the road. Saw no birds of any kind.

[49th.] Lodging at the ambassador’s, Cabuita Capenda, and
lands of the Quilolo Ampala, from which we started at six in
the morning. Followed up the river Ameula (Ancula ?).
Crossed a narrow stream on loot. During the march came to
another lodging of the said ambassador in the desert, on this
side and near the river Ameula. We occupied said lodgings.

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214 ROUTE JOURNAL OF P. J. BAPTISTA.

Reached there at noon without rain. Marched with the sun
as before. Met no one, and saw nothing new.

[50th.] Desert-lodging, near the river Ameula. Started
at six in the morning. Crossed two narrow streams, and during
tlie march we came to the farm of the son of the Qnilolo named
Pande, the same called, after the land-fashion, Muana Auta.
We did not speak with him, he having gone to his father’s
“ Banza.” We occupied the old huts of the blacks, the
Senzalas (negro quarters) being a short distance off, near this
side of the river called Rilomba. We reached this place at
noon without rain. Marched with the sun as before, and met
no one. It being three o’clock in the afternoon, I went out
hunting, and shot a deer. The guide’s slaves, who came with
him from the farm of the Quiburi, found a wild bull which a
lion had killed, and had only eaten a part of the inside and
the rump. Saw nothing else worthy of note.

[ulst.] Lodging of the farm of Muana Auta. Left this place
at five in the morning. Crossed the small river Quimana, and
during the march came to the Banza of said Quilolo Pande,
whom we did not see on the day of our arrival : he only sent a
message to our guide, Cutaguaseje, saying he was occupied
wth Cazembe’s messengers, and that when he was more quiet
we should see him. Wo arrived at said Banza at two in the after-
noon, and built near a narrow river called Murucuaxi, but on
the other side of it. Marched with the sun as before, and met
no one.

[52nd.] Lodging at the farm of the Quilolo Pande. Started
at six in the morning without rain. Crossed two narrow streams.
During the journey we came to the place of his Ngolla Bolle,
named Cahiombo Camara, with whom we did not speak on the
day we arrived. Only two blacks came to see ns, but we
treated of nothing with tliem : the huts were some distance oif.
We arrived at this place at two in the afternoon, and lodged in
the lodgings of Cazembe’s ambassador, Cabuita. Marched with
the sun in our front. Met no one. .

[53rd = 56th in the former diary, p. 182.] Lodging at the
farm of Cahiombo Camara. Started from hence at cockcrow.
Crossed the river, near which we passed the night. During
the march we came to the desert-lodging named Quidaxi,
on this side of and near a river, whose name I do not know.
We reached this lodging at midday, and while commencing to

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ROUTE JOURNAL OF P. J. BAPTISTA. 215

build, rain fell. Marched with the sun in our front ; crossed a
river-plain, and saw a very large herd of zebras. Met no one.

[54th.] Resting-place of Quidaxi. Started at 6 a.m.
Crossed a narrow muddy river, and, continuing our march,
came to the old farm of the Quilolo of Lucongi, without rain ;
built near a narrow stream, name not known. Reached this
place at two in the afternoon. Marched with the sun as before.
iVlet no one ; saw no birds nor beasts of any kind.

[55tb.] Desert-lodging of the old farm of Lucongi, from
which we started at seven in the morning without rain. Crossed
no river, and during the march came to the new farm of
Luncongi, on the other side of the river Luviri, which we
crossed by canoe ; this river is about twelve fathoms wide, and
runs into the river Luapiila. AVe lodged in the huts of the
“ Senzalas ” (negro quarters). AVe reached this place at four
in the afternoon. AA'e spoke with the owner of the said huts
about our intention of going on to King Cazemhe, by order
of the Muatahianvo: the said Luncongi replied that it was
very good. Marched with the sun as before ; met no one.

[56th.] Lodging at the farm of Luncongi. Started at six
in the morning. Crossed two rivers, their names unknown
to me, which run into the river Luviri. During our journey
we came to the desert-lodging near said Luviri, having followed
down its course. Reached said desert at three in the afternoon.
Built in the rain. Marched with sun in our front. Slet no one,
saw neither bird nor animal of any kind.

[57th.] Desert-lodging. Started from this place at cock-
crow, without rain. Crossed no river, and, continuing our
march, came to the farm of the Macota of the Quilolo IVIuaxi.
Spoke with him about the journey we were making to Cazemhe.
AA^e reached this place at three in the afternoon. Built near
and on the other side the rivei; Mufumhe. Met no one ; saw
nothing new.

[58th.] Lodging at the place of the Macota of Muaxi.
Started at six in tlie morning. Crossed no river, and came
to the farm of the said Quilolo Muaxi ; talked with him about
our journey ; he replied, that King Cazemhe already knew of
our coming. Beached this farm at noon, wthout rain. AVe
lodged in the houses of his people, the Banza of said Muaxi
being a little distance off. Marched with the sun in our front.
Jlet no one, and saw neither bird nor animal of rarity.

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216 KOUTE JOURNAL OF P. J. BAPTISTA.

[59th.] Lodging at the farm of the Quilolo Muaxi, left
at five in the morning; crossed a narrow stream, name
unknown. During the march we came to the desert-lodging
near a small river with stony bed. lleached this desert at
noon. Marched with the sun as before. Built on the other
side near the said river. Met three blacks going to the farm
of Muaxi to buy salt. Saw nothing new.

[60th.] Desert-lodging. Left this at cockcrow ; crossed five
narrow streams. AVe are approaching the great hill named
Cundo Irungo. Daring the march w^e crossed the river named
Cavula Cungo, which is about seven fathoms wide, with water
up to our w^aists. It runs into the river Luapula. Reached
said desert-lodging at noon, without rain. Built near and on
the other side of the river before named. Met some people
coming I'rom Cazembe, going to the fann of the Muaxi ; they
gave us no news. Marched with the sun as before.

[61st.] Desert-lodging near the river Cavula Cungo. Started
therefrom at six in the morning; passed no river, marched in
the direction of the same hill, Cunde Irungo. Continuing our
march we came to another desert halting-place near the river
called the son (or tributary) of the river above mentioned.
Reached this lodging at four in the afternoon, without rain.
Loilged in the huts of the other travellers on the other side.
3Iarched with the sun in our front. Met no person whatever.

[62nd.] Desert-lodging of Cunde Irungo. Started at seven
in the morning ; marched to the top of the hill Cunde
Irungo, crossed two small streams. During the march we came
to another desert-lodging near the streamlet and the hill
before mentioned. Arrived at noon, in rain. Built by the side
of the stream. Met no one ; saw nothing at all new or
rare.

[63rd = 67th in the former diary, p. 184.] Desert-lodging
of the hill Cunde Irungo. Started at seven in the morning ;
crossed a river named Lutipuca, six fathoms wide. During
the march we came to another desert-lodging near a stream
whose name I do not know. We arrived at midday; marched
last with the sun on our right side. Met no one ; saw no
birds nor animals.

[64th.] Desert-lodging. Started at cockcrow. Crossed no
river. Continuing our march we came to the lodging near the
river Lutipuca before named, and marching down with this

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IIOUTE JOURNAL OF P. J. BAPTISTA. 217

river we arrived at noon, without rain. Journeyed with the
sun as before. Met no one.

[65tl).] Desert-lodging. Started at six in the morning.
During the march we came to the farm of the Quilolo IMucha-
quita, of the Cazembe. Spoke with him about our journey.
Ho said ho was very pleased to see Bluzungos from Angola.
He sent us to lodge in his people’s houses. Keached this place
at two in the afternoon. Met no person whatever.

[66th.] Lodging at the farm of the Quilolo Muchaquita.
Started at cockcrow. We marched across a magnificent dry river-
plain, no water whatever. It was about ten leagues in length,
and was full of various animals, zebras, einpacassas (wild cattle),
deer, stags, and many other animals whoso names I do not
know. Continuing our march, we came to the farm of another
Quilolo, named after the land Muachico, near that of his
Macota named Quiocola, the latter being some little distance
from Muachico. We spoke with him about our journey, that
we were going to visit the King Cazembe. We reached said
farm at two in the afternoon, without rain. Marched with the
sun on our right. Saw no one.

[67th.] Halting-place at the farm of Muachico. Started
at seven in the morning. Crossed the river-plain before men-
tioned on the western side, and passed over the river Luapula
by canoe. For the services of the boatmen we gave them a
piece (muconzo) of straw cloth, thirty-three beads of white ron->
calha, and one beirame of “ patavar ” beads. Said river is about
fifty fathoms wide, more or less. Having crossed this stream,
we came afterwards to the farm of the Quilolo, Lord of the
Port, named, after the land, Amtapo Aquilala. Arrived at this
farm at four in the afternoon. Met no one. Marched with the
sun on our right side, and built some distance from the farm.

[68th.] Lodging of the farm of Amtapo Aquilala. Left
this halting-place at 6 a.m. ; passed no river, descended along
the river Luapula. During the journey we came to the farm
of Cazembe’s sister, named, according to land-fashion, Pemba-
femia: she directly requested we would occupy the houses of her
Quilolos. We spoke to her about our undertaking; that we
were proceeding to her brother, the King Cazembe. She said
Muatahianvo’s sending messengers from Angola pleased her
much : similar messengers had never appeared in the Cazembe’s
lands before. She presented us with four moitetes of flour
and four fresh fish. We arrived here at two in the after-

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218 ROUTE JOURNAL OF P. J. BAPTISTA.

noon, having marched with the sun on our right. Met with no
one.

[69th.] Lodging at the farm of the Cazcnibe’s sister, Pemba.
Set out at seven in the morning, w'ithout rain. Still marched
down the river, crossed a narrow stream two fathoms wide,
running into the same Luapula. During the march we came to
the farm of the Qnilolo named Murumho. Arrived at noon.
Jfet no one. IVlarclied with the sun on our right. Lodged
in the houses of the farm. Saw neither birds nor beasts.

[70th.] Lodging at the farm of the Quilolo Murumbo. Started
at cockcrow, and, descending with the Imapula on the left,
we crossed two rivers, the Lufubo and the Capueje, running
into said Luapula. During the journey we came to the
farm of the Catuata, who marched in our company, named
according to land-fashion Quissacanhi, near the river, three
fathoms wide, named Gonna. We went into the hoiises of said
Catuata. We reached this place at 2 p.m., without rain.
Marched with the sun ns before, and met no person whatever.

[71st.] Lodging at the farm of Quissacanhi, near the river
Gonna. Started at .6 A.jr. ; crossed two running streams of small
width, and during our march came to the farm of the black
named Capunque, near the river Eelengi, four fathoms wide,
which runs into the Luapula. Arrived at three in the after-
noon. Met a great many people coming from the Cazembe’s
great farm. Marched with the sun as before on our right;
saw no animals.

[72nd.] Lodging at the farm of Capunque, near the river
Belengi. Started at six in the morning ; crossed no river, and
continuing our march we came to the city of the Quilolo
of Cabola, near the river named Cannegoa, three fathoms
wide, which runs into the river Mouva. Arrived at four in the
afternoon, and halted two days by order of said Cazembe.
Marched with the sun on our right. Met a great many people
coming from Cazembe’s great farm. Saw nothing of any novelty
or importance.

[78rd.] Halting-place at the farm of the Quilolo Cabola, near
the river Cannegoa. Started at eleven in the morning, crossed
no river, passed Senzalas, and during the journey we came to
the capital of King Cazembe. Having come down a stately
river-plain called Mouva, near which is built the said Cazembe’s
city, we reached the Banza at midday, and occupied the

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DAYS’ JOURNEY FROM MUATAIIIANVO TO MUCARY. 219

house of the keeper of his gates, named Quibiiy Quitambo
Quiamacungo. lleceiving word by his page that as a signal
of our arrival in tlieso dominions we should discharge what
guns we could, as it was a great pleasure to him to see i>eople
in his lands from Angola, a thing of which he had not thought
of, and which was very fortunate for him, as heir to the
deceased Cazembe Hunga Amuronga, wo discharged three
guns, and he replied from within his walls with one, all being
astonished at our coming, and overjoyed among themselves.
He sent us a quantity of (manioc) flour, meat, fresh and dried fish,
and A16, treating us with great hospitality all the time we re-
mained there. He also enabled ns to reach the Kivers of Senna.
During the journey we were halted twenty-two days, and on the
march seventy-three.*

(Signed) Pedro Joao B.\ptista.

(Countersigned) Antonio Kogdeira da PiOoha.

[No. 3.]

Route of P. J. Baptdsta from tlio Cazemhe to Tette in 1811 lias not
been given here.

[No. 4.] Number of Days’ Journey from the Muatahianyo
TO the Fair of Mucary; —

Pays.

From the Mussumha of the Muatahianvo to the farm of the Camata

Camunga 1

From the Caraata to Cacenda 2

From Cacenda to Congo 3

From Congo to the river Luiza 4

From the river Luiza to the farm of Quissenda 5

From Quissenda to Milemba 6

From Milemba to the Desert 7

From the Desert to the river Luigi 8

From the river Luigi to Cavenga 9

iYom Cavenga to Canssuida 10

From Canssuida to the farm of the people of Mouricapelle . . 11

From CapeUe, crossing the river Luhia by canoe, and to the farm of

the Fumo Campeo 12

From the Fumo Campeo to the farm of the Muene Canceze . . 13

From Canceze to the deserted farm Mutemlxi 14

From iMutembo to the farm of the Quilolo Quirungo ... 15

From the Quirungo to the Desert 16

From the Desert to another Desert . .17

From the Deeert to Dembue 18

From the Dembue to the Desert near “ Quiana of the water ” . .19

From Quiana to the farm of the Muene Rifunda Carga (Canga ?) . 20

From the Muene Rifunda to near the river Cacamuca ... 21

• The former diary (pp. 1G9-I88) gives seventy-eight days ; but it inelndes
various halts. — R. F. B.

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220

DAYS’ JOURNEY FROM BOMBA TO MUCARY. ■

Days.

From the river Cacamnea, crossing the large river Cassais by canoe,
to the farm of the lioatmcn, having passed the old farm of
the Chacabumby, to the farm of his son, Soana Mona . . 22

From the Soana Mona, crossing the new farm of the Chneabungi,

near the river Caemba 23

From Caemba to another farm, Maluvo 24

From Maluvo to the farm of the sister of the Chaeabnngi, named

Moarihianva, near the river Lualelo 25

From the river Lualele to the farm of the Mncne Fanna . . . 2C

From the Muone Fanna crossing a second time the (Desert) river

Lualelo 27

From the river Lualelo to the farm of the Chacaluilo . . .28

From the Chacaluilo to anotlier farm of the Chacabuita ... 29

From the Chacabuita to the Desert 30

From the Desert to the farm of Muene Cavanda .... 31

From Cavanda to the farm of the Muana Muilomlxs .... 32

From Muana Muilombe to the farm Chabanza of the Chacabungi,

where the lands of the Muatahianvo terminate ... 33

From the Chabanza to the Desert 34

From the Desert to another Desert 35

From the Desert to the Desert near the river Luemba ... 36

From the river Luemba to the Desert 37

From the Desert to the river Banza, Desert 38

From the river Banza to near a small river, the name not known

to me 39

From the small river we followed up the river Quihubue, Desert . 40
From the Desert we crossed said river Quihubue .... 41
From the Quihubue to the Desert, near to the other side of the small

river 42

From the Desert, near the river Quihubue, to the farm of the people

Quibonca of the Moana Gana Quisenguo 43

From the Quissengue to the farm of the Inna Fumo .... 44

From the Inna Fumo crossed the river Quicampa, Desert . . 45

From the Desert to the people of the Bumba and farm of the Xatumba 46
From Xatuml)a to the farm of the Xacacoquelle, near the principal

site of the Bumba 47

From the Bumba to the river Quango 48

From the river Quango crossed the river Quafo, Desert ... 49

From the Quafo to the Desert Massangagila 50

From Massangagila crossed the river Jombo to the farm Pepumdi

Songo 51

From the Pepumdi to the Muenene Quibungo 52

From Muenene Quibungo to another Munene Toro .... 53

From Munene Toro to the farm of the son of Bomba, supposed name

Joaquim .54

From Joaquim of the Bomba to the Banza of the said Bomba . . 55

Number of Days’ Journey from the Chief Bomba to
THE Fair of Mucary : —

From the great farm of the Bomba to the river Cuie .... 1

From the Cuie to near the farms of his people 2

From those farms to another farm 3

From the latter farm to the Desert 4

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r. J. BAPTISTA’S REPORT OF JOURNEY.

221

From the Desert to the farm of a son of the Bomba, named Hiemba

Munda r>

From Hiemba to the farm of the chief Pundi Hiabonga ... 6

From the Pundi to the chief Motende 7

From the Motende to the Capacala 8

From the Capacala to the farm of the Quissoca, sister of the Bomba 9

From the Quissoca to near the river Jom bo 10

From the Jombo crossed to the other side of it 11

From the Jombo to the farm Souveta of the Cabita Catempo . , 12

From the Cabita to the farm of the Mocampa IS

From the Mocampa to the Desert 14

From the Desert to the farm of Genzo, brother of the Banda

Gongo 15

From the Gongo to the Desert 16

From the Desert to the Quileculo and farm of the Quihoata . . 17

From the Quihoata to the farm of the son of the Cabunxi and Catembo,

named Cuinhiba 18

From the Cuinhiba to the farm of the Camba, brother of the

Quibenda 19

From the Camba to the farm of the Quibenda 20

From the Quibenda to the Marimbe 21

From Marimbe to the Fair of Mucary 22

(Signed) Pedeo Joao Baptista.

(Countersigned) Antonio Nogoeiea da Rocha.

[No. 5.]

In the name of God, Amen.

Reminiscences of the Depaetube from the Mcatayanvo to the
Dominions of the Cazembe Caquinhata, and what transpired with
the Quilolos whom wo found on the road beyond the State and
Kingdom of Angola; and the rest that I saw in these territories,
until we reached the lands of Cazembe, by the mystery of the
Virgin Our Lady ; and of our costly departure from said Pumbo to the
town of Tete, bearing a letter for the Governor of the said town,
despatched by my master, Lieutenant-Colonel Francisco Honorato da
Costa, Director of the Fair of Mucary, and arrival of a Pombeiro of the
ChiefCaptainGonfalo Caetano Pereira, named, after thecountry-fashion,
Marungue, now come to conduct us from the Pumbo of the Cazembe,
who brought goods to buy ivory, slaves, and green stones (malachite);
how the same Marungue released us from said place, and with whom
we started from thence, after being delayed there four years, having
started for Tete and turned back twice; and it was in the year
1810 that we finally started for the town of Tete.

On Sunday, twenty-second of May of said year, we started
from the Mufumba of Muatayanvo, and came to the farm of
the Cacoata, named Cutaquacexe, who acted as our guide. We
were detained in this place sixteen days, caused by his per-
forming his rites, ami on Tuesday, seventli July, we started,
and on the march passed the Quilolos and peoples of the said
Muatayanvo, until we came to the site of tlie Quilolo named,

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222 i>. J. BAPTISTA’S REPORT OF JOURNEY.

according to the land-fashion, Chamuginga Mussenda, who owns
allegiance both to Muatayanvo and Cazembe, becau.se, when the
last Muatayanvo and Cazembe marched forth to subjugate the
country in which the Cazembe’s lands are situated, they left
this Quilolo Chamuginga Mussenda near the river Luburi, to
receive all persons coining from the Muatayanvo or the
Cazembe, in procuring all kinds of provisions for the use of all
people coming from either potentate. This farm is the boundary
of the lands of the Muatayanvo on that side ; croi^sing said
river Luburi on the other side of it, are found tlie people
of the Cazembe, who subject themselves to the Quilolo of
Cazembe — Quibi, who was in the river-plain of the Salina
called Quigila, who is recently dead. At the farm of Chamu-
ginga IMussenda all travellers buy provisions of manioc-hour, in
order to go and buy salt and mucongos of straw-cloth, a few
made-up articles, and wax. When we started from this farm of
Chamuginga Mussenda, we travelled across others with valleys
and hills, and saw, on the summit of the hills, stones which appear
true (green ?), and where they dig the copper ; in the midst of this
country is where they make the bars. 'I'here are two proprietors
of the “ Senzalas the first is near the road we crossed, named
after the land (in country fashion) Mniro, and the other is called
Canbembe. Those owners are the head smiths, who order the bars
to be made by their “ sons ” and their own “ macotas ” (slaves),
and pay such bars as tribute to the Quiburi, or his successor, for
that Lord of the Salina to send them to the Muatayanvo, or to
whoever the Muatayanvo sends for them. These two proprietors
w ere also at one time sovereigns of the lands, as well as owners of
the mines left them by their predecessors. They were, however,
acquired by Cazembe by force, so that the lands are now in sub-
jection to both the Muatayanvo and the Cazembe, having been
conquered by the late Quilolo Quiburi, Lord of the Salina.
Quiburi was a maternal relation of the Cazembe’s, who had
appointed him to govern the Salina and have the manage-
ment of sending the tribute of salt, and the goods of the Muata-
yanvo ; also to receive visitors or travellers who go from the
Muatayanvo to the Cazembe. He sent the raulambo by his
Cacoata to the Muatayanvo, to arrange with the said Lord of
the Salina, that, in addition to the tribute presents of stuff,
beads, salt, and other things, which they buy from the salt-
dealers, should be delivered to the Cacoata to take to the Muata-
yanvo.

The Salina Quigila is near the river Lualaba, on this side
of it. On the further side of the said river is established the
Lord of the Salina, and in this same country there are no
provisions of manioc-flour to be obtained, and what little there

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P. J. BAPTISTA’S REPORT OF JOURNEY.

223

is is bought with the goods that come from the Muatayanvo.
In tlie Pumbo only millet, large haricot beaus, large maize, and
Lucu, which they call Caixai, are to bo obtained, and even
these come I'rom stich retired farms that it is difficult to obtain
a mouthful of meal or any description of food, and very costly.
Ono must be provided with good beads, or some other article
they value, to bo able to get anything. They do not cultivate
manioc, it not being the custom of the country ; the previous
sovereigns of this land did not grow this production, and tliis
became the general habit in the said Pumbo. There is nothing
they can make use of for dress ; men clothe themselves in
Mussamba basts, and women buy straw-cloth from the people
before named in exchange for salt ; that is, in the dry season.
In the rainy season, when the salt-traders do not come, they
are put to great straits, and the traders caimot obtain the salt
at such times, the river-plain itself being flooded. In order to
got the salt they cut the straw and burn it ; after which they
dissolve the ashes in water, and throw the lye info small pans
which they make ; then they boil it, and this they exchange
for what they consider wealth, namely, woollen cloth, Indian
tissues, beads, and straw-cloths. The smiths (Ferreiros) also
exchange their bars for flour and other provisions that are
valued. From the lands of the smiths and the Salina to the
other side of the river Lualaba, where the governor of the
Salina, and the other Quilolos on the route to Cazembe also
live, they cannot rely upon a sufficient quantity of provisions for
travellers. Only millet is to be had ; and even at the proper
time for cultivation it is expensive to obtain this, there not
being sufficient men to carry provisions, manioc beans, and
necessary things, which come as far as the river Lualaba. Thus
they risk losing their lives from hunger.

After having crossed the Luarula we reached on the other
side of the river a farm of the sister of Cazembe named Pemba,
and this lady received us witli much consideration. She was
much astonished to’ see us, and pleased with Muat^anvo for
having sent whites, called by them Mugungos (Muznngos),
to visit her brother the Cazembe, a thing the previous Muata-
yanvos had never done; that it was a blessing for her
brother, Cazembe’s successor, as they had no recollection of
having been before visited by whites coming from the Muata-
yanvo to the Cazembe. On Wednesday, the 15th of December,
she sent for us and told us that when her father, Cazembe
Hunga, was living, a great number of white people, with much
goods, had come in company of the Oovernor, and requested
permission from the Cazembe to allow them passage to the
Muatayanvo, and from the Muatayanvo to the fair of Cassauge.

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r. J. BAPTISTA’S REPORT OF JOURNEY.

The late Cazembe, however, did not grant the permission ; and
it pleased God that he (the Governor before mentioned) should
die in the Cazembe’s lands ; the colonists and soldiers who had
come in the said Governor’s company then returned. (She also
told us) that the Cazembe himself was well, and that in the
S!ud mussumba (place) there was a soldier who had letters to
go to Angola. She sent directly to inform her brother Cazembe
of our arrival, as also that it was her duty to send word of the
arrival of any traveller going to the Cazembe, before such
traveller’s being allowed to go into the presence. She treated
us with much kindness in supplying us with food. We pre-
sented this lady with a blue twisted glass cup, a muzcngo de al-
mandrilha, and two beirames of lead-coloured beads. W'e waited
there five days, pending the arrival of her messengers ; and on
Saturday, the sixteenth, the Cazembe’s messengers came to
fetch us, bringing for our u.se a she-goat, five motetes of manioc
fiour, a motete of fresh fish, together with a black woman and
her child, and with a message from the Cazembe that he
was very pleased at our arrival, and that as a mark of his love
he offered us the black woman. He was very gratified at
his Muatayanvo’s having forwarded to him white men from
Mueneputo, as he had never seen any such before in his
dominions. To the Cacoata (guide) who had brought us,
he sent food to eat. W'^e stayed one day with the
said messengers, and on the next we started with them.
Sunday, thirty-first of December, of one thousand eight
hundred and six we arrived at the mussumba of the King
Cazembe, at six o’clock in the afternoon. On that day we
did not see him, and he only sent word for us to occupy the
house of his Quilolo Quiota. Ou Monday, first of January,
one thousand eight hundred and seven, he sent for us. We
went and saw him ; but we Siiid nothing about our undertaking.
Only our guide spoke, saying, “ I bring you here by order of
tho King Muatayanvo, messengers from Mueneputo, who have
come to seek a white brother of the Mueneputo, who it is
stated is to be found in your territory. Treat them well,
without malice.” The said Cacoata then delivered the present
that Muatayanvo sent to the Cazembe and added nothing more.
The Cazembe himself replied that he was very gratified at
his lord the Muatayanvo’s sending him messengers from
Mueneputo, and that it was a very fortunate thing for him.
Wc then retired to our houses. After doing so he sent for us
privately, without letting the Cocoata hear of it, and he told us
that ho had for a long time known the object of our visit ; that
he would treat of this wish of his friend the Mueneputo’s more
at leisure. As a signal of our arrival in his country, ho wished

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225

US to fire off all the guns we could, which was a thing that
pleased him very much. We discharged three guns, and he,
within his walls, also fired one. On Wednesday, the third day
of said month, he sent his two Quilolos, named, after the land-
fashion, Quiota Mutemba and Quitamba Quiamaungo, with a
message that we were to explain particularly what brought us
there, and to deliver the present that his friend the Muene-
puto had sent by us for him.

We delivered his present, which consisted of two quicapos of
green serafina (cloth), two quicapos of yellow serafina, two ditto
singelos or dresses of red tammy (durante), two small mirrors
with gilt paper edges, a Portuguese fire-arm, and two blue
cups, aU of w'hich we made over to his messengers, saying,
“ Here is the Saguate, or present, which your friend the
Mueneputo sends to and offers you. He sent us also to vi.-it
you. King Cazembe, as he is always desirous of maintaining a
good and reciprocal intercourse with you, which is equally
useful and profitable both for you and us. He asks that you
will allow his messengers and their Cacoata to pass freely, so
that he may conduct us on the road to Senna, seeing that the
brother of your friend Mueneputo is not here. The latter
desires and wishes to keep up terms of friendship with you,
iKing Cazembe. I hand you here the letter which I bring
you from Mueneputo himself, and which he sends you in
a friendly spirit for you to have read, and grant what he asks
therein, regarding the journey to Senna.” This letter the
Cazembe received in the sight of his people, and retained.
He replied that he knew how honourable all white men were,
and that he would order the letter to be read at his leisure.
On the fourth day of the said month, Thursday, he sent for
us, and at his doorway we found a white soldier, native of
Quilhiman, named Panlo de Santiago e Silva, and three blacks
belonging to colonists of Tete and Senna, waiting to receive
us by Cazembe’s orders. When they did see us they received us
with great joy, because we had come from Angola. The
soldier had been detained two years, trying to find the way
to Angola in the service of the Crown, and asking to be allowed
to go, but was never granted permission.

Tbe Cazembe replied he was very pleased with the Saguate
which his friend Mueneputo had sent him, and tliat he was

C " 1 ready to carry out all the wishes of his friend Mueneputo.

he desired not only to provide us with a guide, but that
he would himself go with us as far as the river Aruangua, as
there were enemies and robbers to be met with on the way, who
were in the habit of plundering the whites who came from Tete
and Senna, with the intention of transacting business of their

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P. J. BAPTISTA’S EEPOKT OF JOURNEY.

own in the Cazembe’s lands. That he was convinced all the
white people were children of Mueneputo, because the Governor
of Senna himself had come to his dominions, accompanied by his
regiment of soldiers and officers, as well as civilian colonists of
said town of Tete, and had asked permission of his dead
father, Cazembe Hunga Anmomga (Amuronga), to pass through
and visit Muatayanvo, in order to discover if they could go on
to Angola. That the said Cazembe Hunga would not grant this
permission, but that he, the son and successor to the State, would
do all that in any way might be possible. When we saw he
was ready to put us on the way to Senna, to content him still
more we presented him two blue glasses, two muzengos of coral
w ith hollow stems like a pipe, two muzengos of white romalha,
two ditto of Bumbango, three ditto of Qiieta Calongo, a quizapo
of black serafina, and two small looking-glasses with gilt frames.
We told him that his friend Mueneputo had sent him a good
piece of fine red cloth, and some good stone-beads, but that his
King Muatayanvo had taken them all. He answered it did
not matter ; that he would carry out the wishes of our king ;
and that he would have as much as possible notwithstanding.

On Tuesday, the twentieth of April, we started for the war-
camp, with the Cazembe to take us to the before-mentioned
river Aruangoa, the way being stopped so that no traveller
should pass, it being the custom generally amongst all the
heathen chiefs not to allow any traveller whatever to pass tlirough
their towns with goods to other chiefs without the strangers
first stopping and trading with them. When we reached the
war-camp a great disturbance took possession of them (the
Cazembe’s people) for fear that the eldest brother of the Ca-
zembe, named, after the land-fashion, Capaca, whom the deceased
father, Cazembe Hunga, had banished to the land called Cassange,
was coming to take the State from Cazembe. On account of
the treason that now prevailed amongst his people, the Cazembe
proceeded to examine who was the instigator of the disturbance.
Some threw the blame on to his mother, his mother accused
some of the Quilolos, and the Cazembe banished to other lands
his cousin Quihanba, chief Quilolo, and ordered his hands and
ears to be cut. Other Quilolos he fined in goods, and any thing
else he chose to ask for. He then return^ from the road to
Senna, and went to carry on war in the land called Tanga, and
us he delivered over to his Ticara, who remained in Ids stead,
and to his sister Cananga to attend to us, and assist us with all
the things we might require.

He was occupied in this war two and a half months, when
wo saw him again, and stayed with him two months longer.
On our telling him that, as the way was hot open to Senna, he

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P. J. BAPTISTA’S BEPORT OF JOURNEY.

227

should let us return to the Muatayanvo, he answered nothing.
He sent forces to join in war on the other side of the river
Luapula. When we tried to arrange about our journey, and
ashed him to let us go to the Muatayanvo, he began to mis-
lead us with presents of “ garapas ” (juice of sugar-cane) and
meat. For some days there appeared no means of escaping
from our persecution; we were 'compelled to stay with him
without being able to go either to the Muatayeinvo or to Tete.
Wlien he saw our need for going was very great, he chose as
our Cazembe of the road (guide) the oldest of all his Quilolos,
named, after the land-fashion, Muenepanda, and his relation
Soana Mulopo, named Tambo ; also two Quilolos, his brothers-
in-law, named after the land Chabanza Mutemba, and another
Quilembe, and other Quilolos, to assist in escorting us to Tete.
We started with the Muenepanda and the others named, who made
stoppages on the way to pray, and to attempt to divine whether
they could proceed or not. On our reaching the farm of
Cazembe’s Quilolo, where we halted two days, waiting for
our guide, the Muenepanda, two messengers from the Chiefs
Quiana and Quebue came in our search, bringing an ox to
induce the Muenepanda and his war-men to go back, to allow
Chabanza to come past with ivory and other things which he
had with him to buy goods for Cazembo at Tete ; they said
the road was quite clear. In spite, however, of all these
attempts to deceive, we continued our journey, and, crossing
the river Lupulo, we met some other messengers bringing two
oxen, who tried to turn the Muenepanda back, with the same
false tale about the way to Senna being clear, and that there was
no one to interfere with travellers, who could come and go on
their journeys at any time, and in any direction. On the second
day from this, the Muenepanda accepted the two oxen, and, at
the lodging of Quipiri, which we were come to, he ordered all
the ivory to be collected, and presented it to Quianna’s mes-
sengers. He then turned back, saying that the way was quite
clear, thus neglecting to carry out Cazembe’s orders, which
were to escort us to the river Aruangua, as arranged, and
receiving private gifts from the above chiefs to induce him not
to make war in their countries. Muenepanda stayed at the
above halting-place Quipiri, and we went on with Chabanza
Mutemba, and all the guide’s ivory, slaves, green stones, bars of
copper, and ounce skins. We arrived at the farm of the Chief
Quiana Catanba, where we were halted fifteen days without
being able to get away ; Quianna deceiving us by saying we must
wait for the floods in the rivers to retire before we proceeded on
our journey. This was an excuse to detain us till the arrival
of his friends, to attack us and seize all the guide’s goods. These

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228

P. J. BAPTISTA’S liEPOP.T OF JOURNEY.

robbers are brothers to those wlionr the Cazembe killed in the
war whicli he carried on in the Tan"a country ; he met these
Huzas (Huizas?) returning from the Chief Cassongo’s lands with
his ivory, which was intended to purchase merchandize. At
Quiana’s place all our slaves and green stones were hidden away

by the people when they saw we wished to escape from their
place. By the aid of the Virgin Mary we had been warned
by another chief, named, after the land-fashion, Quirando, who

sent our guide Chabanza notice that, being a friend of the
Cazembe’s, he knew that Quiana had ordered his lighting-mcii
to this side of the river Hianbigi (Charabeze), intending to
kill him (Chabanza), and advising him to retire from Quiana’s
place. We escaped thence, with the loss of many slaves and
other things that the Cazembe had sent to purchase mei>
chandize in Tete. By the help of our Lady of the Con-
ception none of us died, although we were robbed of a great
deal. We returned to the mussumba of King Cazembe a
second time, troubled and injured as we were, marching day
and night, so that the fighting-men might not overtake us. We
found the Quilolo Muenepanda very comfortably settled at his
farm, and the Cazembe much enraged with him and the other
Quilolos. After a long time had elapsed, W a providential
circumstance the pombeiro of the Chief-Captain Gon^alo
Gaetano Pereira, arrived with merchandise, having come to
buy slaves and ivory, by order of his master. He brought
a letter for the soldier Paulo Santiago, to join the pombeiros
of the said Gonfalo Gaetano, who w'ere detained there through
the way not being clear. We started with this pombeiro
for the town of Tete, with the Cacoata, or guide of the
Cazembe, named, after the land, Catara Mirimba, and with other
persons, taking ivory, slaves, green-stones, and copper bars, to
barter for cloth, and to deliver us to the Governor.

The trade of the Cazembe’s country consists of ivory, slaves,
green-stones, and copper bars, which they sell to the travellers
from Tete and Senna, and to blacks of the Huiza nation, who are
established on the road to Tete. These Huizas are the first

travellers who ever traded with Cazembe, long before anv
pombeiro from Senhor Gonjalo Gaetano appeared. They call
these pombeiros “ Mucazambos,” meaning faithful men who are
responsible for all things. Gou9alo Gaetano being the first trader
who discovered the Cazembe’s land, and the Huizas are the
people who in former days went to Tete to huy Indian goods
and Tanga cloths, which they call maxilas, a name also given
to our Tipoias (hammocks) ; also quizengos of serafina, good
printed calicoes, and plates, to present to the said Cazembe.
Some Tangas (loin cloths) are made by the Huizas themselves*

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P. J. BAPTISTA’S REPORT OF JOURNEY.

229

Colonist travellers from Tete and Senna give for each slave
they buy in Cazcmbe’s land at the present time five Indian
sheetings, and for ivory six or seven sheetings and other
extra articles for ever)' large tusk, as Cazembe’s people under-
stand that ivory is more valued in Tete than slaves. When
we took our leave, he presented us, in the presence of his
Quilolos, or chiefs, ten slaves, and a large green-stone for his
friend the Governor. Ho produced two ells of fine red cloth,
telling us that a green-stone is named Cazeinbe, and that fine
red cloth is an overseer or superintendent whom they call
Calama. We received his letter in reply to the one we
brought to him, Cazembe, and for ourselves his messengers
were given five slaves ; four moleques (black boys), and a black
woman for me, Pedro ; and to my partner Anastacio five slaves,
two moleques, two molecas (girls), and a black woman ; and to
buy provisions from his place to the Muatayanvo, he gave us
six Inmdred “ sambos,” three hundred for me and other three
hundred for Anastacio. I asked him if he had by chance any
wdiite rhinoceros-horns, when he sent directly to find some, and
then gave two small ones to us. And during all the four years
we were detained there, trying our utmost to get away to Muata-
yanvo, as there was no road open to Senna, he gave us, to
keep us patient, two slaves, one for me, the other for my comrade.
Por three years he used all possible diligence to open the way
to the Rivers of Senna, it having been closed all that time. He
did not allow us to incur any expenses on behalf of his friend
3Iueneputo, but took them all upon himself. He also carried
out the orders of his King Muatayanvo.

On the return from Tete to the Cixzembe we were delayed nine
months, caused by his collecting mulanbo (tribute) by means
of his Quilolos, his mother, sisters, and brothers, and preparing
a Cazembe of the road (the guide) to take charge of us, and bring
us with the tribute into the Muatayanvo’s presence. Cazembe,
through his eagerness to obtain cloth, had left us to return to the
Muatayanvo with only remnants ; and the result of his acting
in such a way was that we left his country quite puzzled, not
having even a piece of stuff, and neither beads nor shells to buy
juiything with on the road, except the “sambos” he gave us.
Wo set out with his Cacoata (guide), named, after the land-
fashion, Munhage, at a time when there was a great scarcity of
food, and after losses from desertion and death on the way,
Ciiused by privations and detentions brought about by the
Cazembe ; we had no remedy, nor could wo prevent it. We set
out for Muatayanvo’s, in order not to displease him, and at the
wish of the Governor of the Rivers of Senna, who directed that
if the Cazembe should give us his ambassador to conduct us to

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230

V. J. BAPTISTA’S REPORT OF JOURNEY.

the Mnatayanvo’s, we should treat him well, and with all love,
peace, and quietness on the way, in the general service that we
are engaged in, as perhaps His Excellency might send some one
from Tete with a letter on the general service. Cazembe
entertains great friendsl^ for the Grovernor. Every month
and year he sends his Cacoatas with slaves and whatever is
most necessary to the Governor’s house, his messengers coming
and going with us. And in the course of two years, if God
does not see fit to prevent it, he entertains hopes that the
Governor will send and repay him for his trouble in sending
us on safely to Tete, a way that was very difficult to open and
keep clear. It is now open, but at the present time he does
not send his Cacoata, as he is waiting for the Governor’s
messengers to arrive and confer with him, and then his
“Cacoata” would accompany us to the Governor. King
Cazembe has tea-pots, cups, pans, demijohns, silver spoons
and forks, plates of Lisbon earthenware, good hats, shoe-
buckles, and gold money, doubloons and half doubloons. He
has a Christian courtesy: he dofis his hat, and gives good
day, good afternoon, or good evening. He keeps all the
white man’s furniture that belonged to the late Governor
Lacerda, and other white people, inhabitants of the same
town, who had come in Governor Lacerda’s company, and
which was left, as there were no porters to carry such things
to Tete, through the flight of the Governor’s people, which
ensued on the alarm felt at his death ; he having come
there with about a thousand cruzados’ worth of goods from the
Koyal Treasury, in addition to his own means and the means
of the residents of Tete and other places, to expend in opening
up the way to Angola. It is even now well remembered how he
was supplied with all they had in their homes, and how for w ant
of the means to transport their belongings to the Rivers of Senna,
a great many of the colonist-travellers sold them. The only one
who did not suffer any loss was Senhor Gonqalo Caetano
Pereira, who had his men, and his son, an ensign in the militia,
Manoel Caetano Pereira, who also took away some goods, in-
including a sedan-chair which belonged to the Governor.

The Cazembe is powerful in his capital, and rules over a
great many people. His place is rather smaller than the
Muatayanvo’s : his orders are harsh, and he is feared by all the
great chiefs, who are also lords of their own lauds ; they fought
with him, but they are now in his power. Away from his
dominions there are other potentates, highwaymen, and robbers,
who are settled on the other side of the two rivers Hianbege
(Chambeze) and Aruangoa, on the route to Tete. Cazembe has
not yet been there, but he intends to go and attack them.

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P. J. BAPTISTA’S REPOPT OF JOURNEY. 231

When there are no travellers trading at his capital, he will order
slaves and ivory to be collected, and will go with his ambas-
sadors to chastise such chiefs as stop the way to traders coming
from Teto to his country ; and, whoever the chief may be who
will not allow travellers to pass, he will proceed at once to array
his fighting men, and march them to such pumbos. The robbera
now begin to pay tributes of cattle, wishing to convey the false
impression that they are his vassals, and some petty chiefs are
already escaping to other lands some distance away.

The territory of Cazembe is low and very cold. A disease is
prevalent therein that is painful to the eyes. It is supplied
with provisions all the year round and every year; manioc flour,
millet, maize, large haricot beans, small ditto, round beans,
which they call Misso a Cabandi, Massango, which they terra
Impondo, and Casai, alias Lucu, fruits, as bananas ; sugar-canes,
potatoes, yams, gourds, almonds (ground-nuts), and much fish
from the rivers Luapula and Mouva, which are near. He owns
three salt districts — Cabomba, Muagi, and Carucuige — beside
the Salina Quigila, which is on this border of the Muatayanvo.
He possesses victuals, oxen, which the before-named chiefs pay
as tribute, and some other oxen, which he sends and buys from
the Huizas in exchange for slaves, small animals, and she-goats.
He has neither sheep nor pigs ; except at the present time, a
few pigs that came from the country called Tanga: he also
requested the illustrious Snr*. D. Francisca and the chief-
captain, Gonjalo Gaetano, to send others by us on our return from
Tete. The Cazembe was the slave of the son of Muatayanvo,
named, after the country-fashion, Mutanda, who was formerly
governor of the salt district, by order of the Muatayanvo Mun-
canza, who had appointed him. This Mutanda was king of the
so-called Acosa nation. He afterwards went to take part in the
wars, and left as his substitute his Quilolo and slave Quinhata,
to send the salt tribute and other necessary things bought with
the salt to his “ father,” the Muatayanvo. This same Quinhata
began to send a more important Mulambo (tribute), muconzos,
beirames, and cloths, big pans of salt, and other things much
esteemed by the Muatayanvo, than that of Mutanda, the “son,”
after his campaigns. He collected all the slaves taken in the
wars and other things there valued ; and he also ordered salt to
be prepared for the slaves to carry, and collected the Mulambo.
These they took to his father, the Muatayanvo, giving him the
news of the raids which he had been engaged iu ; adding
that the Mutanda could not personally render obedience to his
“ father,” because hisTeet were injured. On the arrival of the
said Mutanda’s messengers, who delivered the Mulambo, his
father Muatayanvo Muucanza, refused it, saying that what his

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232 P. J. BAPTISTA’S HEPORT OF JOURNEY.

slave Qiiinhata had sent was larger than his “ son’s,” who had
neither love nor obedience for him. The IMutanda’s messengers
returned with the Mulambo and the former «as offended by his
“ father’s ” having returned it, while he accepted the assertions
of his slave Quinhata. Ho ordered Quinhata to be captured,
and to be thrown into the river Mucuregi. The messengers, re-
turning to tlie Muafayanvo, told liim that his “son” had ordered
Quinhata to be killed because ho had sent a good Mulambo.
The “ father,” on hearing this, immediately sent and expelled
his “ son ” from the government of the Salina, giving the same to
the son of the deceased Quinhata, named, after the land-fashion,
Ganga Abilonda, who was invested with the white clay, knife,
shield, javelins, together with other Quilolos to maintain him in
his domains. He ordered him to govern the Salina and conquer
all the lands he could ; that when he came to any country sup-
plying good things, he should stay there, in order to go on
conquering, little by little, as he might be able. He established
himself in the Quixinga land, in which he now governs, sending
tribute to his masters, the IMuatayanvos, by his ambassadors, and
by some of Muatayanvo’s “ Cacoatas ” (guides), who go there
to collect and buy slaves, goods, sambos dolos (counterfeit
cowries), which they call “ pande,” a kind of large round shell,
saracas, chintz, small plates, large cowries, brass basins, huartes,
and borralhos. It is some years since the Cazembe went to
visit the Muatayanvo in person. By the latter’s own orders,
when former Cazembes came to conquer the lands in which the
present chief reigns, they agreed not to leave their lands because
of the danger lest the people, in their absence, might rise and
kill the persons they left to represent them (relations or
friends), while the Cazembe went to visit tlie Muatayanvo.
Therefore it became a general custom for the Cazembes not to
go personally to the Mussamba of the Muatayanvo, but only
to send ambassadors with their Mulambo. Some Cacoatas who
come from the Muatayanvo’s do not wish to return to him:
these remain in Cazembe’s lands, and if the Muatayanvo sends
for them, the Cazembe laughs, and sends slaves in their stead.
All the slaves we brought died of hunger; some fled from
the Pumbo of the Cazembe, there being no prisons where we
could secure them. When we w'ere on this side of the river
Luburi, with the men ill and dying on the road from the Salina
Quigila as far as the said river Luburi, on Wednesday, 11th
February, we had a great fright, and were all the night on the
look-out, as the chief, Muene Samba, wanted to attack our
Cazembe of the Hoad (guide), and kill us travellers also, who
were in his company, because the Muatayanvo had killed the
messengers of his friends, Qninhama and Muchima, and took

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r. J. BAPTISTA’S PltOCEEDINGS AT TETTE.

233

tlieii' goods to him, the’Muatayanvo. With the assistance of
the Holy Virgin Mary, we left there without sustaining any
harm, by the Divine Providence ; and with these losses it became
necessary to stay two months at the river Luhuri, to get the
people into condition, who had come in so pale, thin, and ill
from hunger, we as well as they not being able to walk a step
through the same cause. We saw nothing more in the terri-
tories of the Cazembe that I have omitted to note ; neither on
the road was there anything nor any misadventure which I
hiiled to report. I continued to make my notes regularly, even
when ill.

(Signed) Pedro Joao Baptista.

(C.)

1811.

In the name of God, Amen.

The following relates to what passed between the Most Illustrious Governor
of the Rivers of Senna, on the East Coast of Africa, regarding oui'
arrival from the dependency and Kingdom of Angola, and of oiu-
delivery to the Govenior of the letter sent by my master,
Lieuteuant-Cxjlonel Francisco Honorato da Costa, Director of the
Fair of Mucari; of other matters current in that town, its trade,
and the conquered lands now subject to the same town ; the dis-
coveries I made in the territory, and the i^ersons who assisted me to
make them.

Ou Saturday, the second of February, 1811, we arrived in
the town of Tette, at four in the afternoon, in the company of the
Chief-Captain Gonjalo Cactano Pereira, who was to bring us
into the presence of the Governor. On tlie day of our arrival,
however, we did not see him, and the same gentleman, Gonyalo
Gaetano, placed us in tho house of a native of the place, who
was away from the town, whilst he stayed with his son-in-law,
Jose Sebastiiio de Ataide. We passed two nights on the
road after leaving the Senhor Gonpalo Gaetano’s farm. On
Sunday, the third, the Governor sent a soldier to summon us.
1 went with Gonqalo Gaetano, and delivered the letter to the
Governor himself: he did not open it in our presence, but said
that the way by land being oiren from the \I'est Coast of Africa,
at Angola, to the Kivers of Senna, was a very good thing. The

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234 1>. J. BAFl’ISTA’S PROCEEDINGS AT TETTE.

Cazembe’s ambassador, with whom we were, named Catara
Mirimba, gave the following message ; — “ I bring to your Excel-
lency these men, who come from Angola;” at tlie same time the
ambassador olfered the present which Cazembe sent to the
Governor: it consisted of two ivory tusks and a large green
stone, which he did not deliver. His Excellency then asked me
for the diaries kept from the Fair of Cassange to the Muathi-
anvo, from the Muatahianvo to the King Cazembe, and from
Cazembe to the town of Tette. To write these diaries, I at once
asked for paper, which was given me, and I stated with all
clearness what passed between us and the Muatahianvo on the
subject of our journey ; how he allowed us to pass on, and gave us
the guide, who brought us to Cazembe, and the presents we
gave to the Muatahianvo; also about the potentates and peoples
on the journey to the Cazembe, and in like manner about the
Cazembe, ami the long delay there ; how we wore compelled
to return twice, because of the Huizas chief being engaged
in war with the Cazembe ; the latter having killed their
“ sons ” in the fight on his return from the road to Senna. After
resting twenty days, wiien I remained to write out the journal
from Cassange to the Muatahianvo, His Excellency would give
me no more paper, and said that from the particulars I had given
him verbally about Cassange, he was well informed of all ; that
he wanted only the two journals from the Muatahianvo to
Cazembe, and from the Cazembe to the llios de Senna. On
delivering our letter, he told us that on jio account he could
provide us with all things required for our journey to Angola
without the sanction of His Excellency the Governor-General ;
but that he would send us to see the General at Mozambique,
who might write to Eio de Janeiro, and request our Lord the
Frince Regent to allow him (the General) to send us with all the
necessaries for our transport. He added that when the last
Governor, Antonio de Noronha, or Antonio Norberto Barboza
de Villa (Villas?) deBoas, made disbursements, some persons of
the general works proved that he repaid the Treasury, from
which he had taken the means, from the factory of His Excel-
lency at Mozambique, and he w as condemned to make a general
distribution of merchandise ; that under no circumstances could
he do anything without orders (or permission) from Mozambique,
because of the great stir there had been in consequence of our
Frince Regent having to leave his capital to escape being
caught by the great Buonaparte. That in the state of ruin and
confusion the Rivers of Senna were in, without protective means,
he could do nothing, and did not even know who would govern
these Rivers of Senna, whether they would bo Fortuguese
or English ; and, in consequence of this'panic, he was deprived

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235

of his control over the Royal Treasury ; that it was only to
the late Governor, Jose Francisco de Araujo Lacerda, who died
in Cazembe, that His Royal Highness had confided the task of
exploring the route from the Western Coast of Africa (Angola)
by land: the deceased had the Royal orders and everything
necessary for the undertaking, but he did not reach Angola,
as it pleased God to take him to Himself, and he died in the
country of Cazembe. In Goa there are now two Governors, one
English and the other Portuguese ; and, according to news the
traders bring, who come from Mozambique to the Rivers of
Senna with goods, I mean with cloth to buy money — the name
they give to gold-dust — and ivory, the English will come and
take this place also, and there will be two Governors in the
Senna rivers; but who can tell what truth there is in it ?

In addition to the above declaration the Governor made to us,
he asked if we would wear uniforms : and, telling me to sit down
upon a chair, said no one would venture to do what we had done,
in crossing overland from the West Coast of Africa by Angola, to
the East Coast at the Rivers of Senna ; that His Royal Highness
had always been seeking some one who could accomplish this,
but all in vain, as he had not met with any one who would under-
take this important task ; and that the six thousand cruzados,
which Governor Lacerda had taken with him on his enterprise,
had been lost. I replied, “ I cannot be seated in your Honour’s
presence ; it may be seen from the letter we bring, who we are.”
The Governor then said, we had executed the task as well as
the gentlemen themselves executed the orders of His Royal
Highness : much more did we, being slaves, and having the
patience and ingenuity to obey and carry out our master’s
orders, deserve being rewarded for the amount of trouble and
work we had gone through for His Royal Highness ; and as
Angola had its own Government, with full powers, we would be
assisted, and our master, Francisco Honorato da Costa, as author
of this undertaking, would not fail to inform them of what we had
done for the Royal service. The Governor dealt with all
these matters at his public residence, in the presence of two
oflScers of the staff, and his Adjutant Rodrigo Jos4 de Aboim,
the Captain of Militia Camello Jos6 de Lemos, Gou9alo Caetano
Pereira, Jose Sebastiao de Ataide, Judicial Clerk, and two other
men whose names I do not know. Wo replied, we could not go
to ^Mozambique, as our guide, whom Muatahianvo had given us,
was waiting at Cazembe for us ; and also that we had been away
from our country nearly ten years, the time wo had been occu-
pied in this enterprise, and we did not know whether he who
sent us was living or dead.

The Governor answered that it did not matter, but that it

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236

r. J. BAPTISTA’S PROCEEDIXGS AT TET'J'E.

would be impossible to provide means for our fransj)ort to
Angola ; therelbrc he would ask them as an obligation to His
Iloyal Highness. He sent me with a soldier to the house of the
Illustrious Joaquim Correa Craveiro Sabarreiros, to keep and
clothe me; and my comrade Anastacio Francisco to the house of
the Illustrious Ijiidy Dona Francisca Josefadc Moura e Menezes,
to feed and clothe him. They treated us with great kindness,
giving, as food every ten or twelve days for the black boys and
negresses, a measure of millet, and to us they gave prepared food
At both houses for dinner, &c. ; my comrade, however, getting
much more and better food than I did. The said Craveiro gave
me a white fustian garment, and a wrapper or gown of blue
serafina ferret with copper buttons, a pair of boots, and two
plates of Lisbon earthenware for my use. While we were
lodging in these houses the Governor sent for us, and gave us
a piece of Ziiarte to make trousers of, and “ cutoes ; ” and
to the Cazcmbe of the road (guide) they gave cloth and
fine beads, to buy provisions with at Senhor Gonpalo Gaetano’s
farm. The merchandise, however, they gave direct to Gonpalo
Gaetano, at his son-in-law’s house, Jose Sebastiao de Ataide,
S(mding it by a sergeant of the garrison, Luiz Jose Ferreira
Lima, from the Governor’s, to give them to the Cazembe of the
road, to buy what they jdeased. Senhor Gonfalo Gaetano did not,
however, give these things to the Cazembe of the road, but only
supplied him with provisions from his Arimos (warehouses). After
liaving given all these orders, he drew up a list of the names and
dw ellings of the inhabitants of that town, that they might, each
man and woman, as an obligation to His Iloyal Highness, give
fifteen or twenty jaeces of cloth. The Governor himself con-
tributed one hundred and thirty pieces towards our transport to
Angola, and that we might carry letters very carefully to the
Illustrious and Excellent Senhor General of Angola, and to the
Director Francisco Honorato da Costa. They promised to give
us only six hundred pieces of cloth, to which we answered, “ If
your Honour wishes to take compassion on us, and send us to
Angola, six hundred pieces of the stuff of this country would
not be sufficient for such a long journey, with presents to make
to the chiefs on the w’ay, and the cost of provisions for our use
from the town of Tette to the Cazembe, from the Cazembe to the
3Iuatahianvo, whom they call Muropue, and from the Muata-
hianvo to the Fair of Mucary.” He began to get out of humour
with us, saying that when we came from Cassange we brought
no cloth for the exploration of the road to the Kivers of Senna,
to which we replied that the Lieutenant-Colonel Francisco
Honorato da Costa had despatched us with three contos
(Rs.3000$000) worth of woollen goods of fine qualit}', besides

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P. J. BAPTIRTA’S PROCEEDINGS AT TETTI':.

237

bugles, and stone-beads of A'lxrions kinds ; fine red cloths,
crimson beaver and druggets to present to the chiefs of the
countries on tlie way to allow us to pass through. On our giving
this explanation, he said we must not make comparisons with
the goods that came from Angola on the West Coast. So he sent
us away with only four hundred and sixty-eight pieces, which
they call Xoabos (chuabos), Indian cloths much damaged, given
by the inhabitants against their wishes ; they saying that there
was no obligation on their part to subscribe, there being plenty
of goods in the King’s factory. These things were given to us
already packed in two small bales, called by them Blutores.
We do not recollect the particidars of these articles, neither
had we a list of them to know what they consisted of ; and we
only opened them at the house of Senhor Gonfalo Gaetano at
the recommendation of the Governor in a letter brought with
us by a soldier named Domingos Sampaio, ordering Benhor
Gonfalo Gaetano to take account of the goods and deliver them
to us when we started. Thus w e were despatched w'anting what
was most necessary to give away on the road, they having sujxplied
to us no cloth that would be appreciated by the two potentates,
the Cazeinbe and the Muatahianvo : these two chiefs having
done all they could to assist us to carry out the undertaking, and
help us to cross. They gave us neither firearms nor gunpowder
to aid us in our defence ; only four hundred and sixty-eight
pieces of cloth, ten packets of small white, black and blue beads,
Ixjught out of the said cloths, and four bags of salt.

By the help of God, without either muskets or powder, we
started from the town of Tette on Friday, May the tenth,
1811, nothing else having been treated of in connection with
our expedition ; noting the state of the .said town, not only in
consequence of the fear and panic created by Bonaparte, but
also by the want of union existing among the townsmen. Even
the Governor himself they accuse — I say they accuse falsely —
of having been proved to have been the cause of the death of
two Governors, the Illustrious Governor Francisco de Araujo e
Lacerda, whom it pleased God to take to Himself at Gazembe,
being engaged in the same task of exploring the route from
Tette to Angola, and the other, Governor Antonio Norberto
Barbosa de Villas Boas, w'hom the colonists, oflScers, and
soldiers, abandoned in the wars in the country named Garirira,
belonging to an imperial potentate named, after the country-
fashion, Moanna Mutapa Amutua. The latter is now persecuting
the Governor of the above town aided by another nearer, who is
called Prince of the land of Tette, or in country-fashion Ghangara :
he is also persecuting the Governor to render him vassalage, and
send him monthly tributes as the Sovereign of the lands.

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238 r. J. BAPTISTA’S PROCEEDINGS AT TETTB.

The conquered districts held by the Government of Tette are
four, Senna, Quilhimar (Quilliraane), Zumbo with Marissa
{Marrisca ?), and the country (of the) Maravez, on the other side
of the Zambeze river, in which people live, and in which are
the warehouses (arimos) of the inhabitants of the town, male
and female. There is also another country to the west of the
river Zambeze, called Sofalla, territory of the Muana Mutapa,
who is under the Government of Mozambique.

The trade of the town of Tette consists in ivory, gold dust
called money, which the traders from Mozambique, Senna, and
Quilhimar, come to buy with Indian stuffs. There is not a
large trade carried on there in slaves, the price not being good
enough to pay the seller. In former times they were worth
more, but not at the present. They give for a “molecote,” or
slave-boy of six spans in height, a piece of zuarte eight fathoms
in length, averaging (or capable of being cut into) twelve or
fourteen cloths, and a piece of white “ samater ” of eight cloths,
to make up the number of twenty-two cloths, which they call
a score (corja), the number they give for a slave. The traders
of Mozambique, Senna, and Quilhimar always try to get slaves
who came from the Cazembe, as they do not run awny so
much as those from our conquered districts about Tette.

The town of Tette is built of stone, and it is with the same
material found in the country that they build one-storied houses
of stone and clay, and some ground-floor buildings thatched
with straw : there are only four houses roofed with tiles, and
they belong to Dona Francisca called Quibonda; Dona Paula
Masearenhas ; Dona Philipa Antonia, sister of the Quibonda,
and Senhor Graveiro. Salt is extracted from the streets in the
Cassibo (Cacimbo, t.e., cloudy) season, as far as the fortress
where the soldiers are quartered, and where the Governor’s
house, and the quarters of all the principal inhabitants, are
situataJ. On the further side of the Zambeze lie the Arimos
(warehouses) of the inhabitants, containing supiilies of wheat,
barley, rice, and even apples and quinces ; millet, called Maqa
Ambila, and maize, known as Massa Aquindelle, fruits of
difi'erent kinds ; canes, from which they make sugar, and
" Gerebita,” a liquor extracted from the dregs of the sugar.
The climate is very hot, fevers and agues prevailing.

Nearly all the inhabitants have mines, whence they get
gold dust, called money ; they are near the small rivers, where
they send their slaves to find it. On this side of the Zambeze,
every day, there are slaves going and coming, belonging to the
inhabitants, who bring maize and wheat for making bread,
Ijesides other necessaries, and firewood. The said river Zam-
beze is about four hundred fathoms wide : to Senna and

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P. J. BAPl'ISTA’S PROCEEDINGS AT TETTE. 239

Quilhimar (Quillimaiie) there are roads running down the
river-valley.

In the said pumbo (town) there are only a few white Portu-
guese, whose names are, the IllustriorisSenhor Joaquim Correia
Craveiro Sabarreiros, Lieutenant-Colonel of Militia ; Doctor in
Chief Mathias Jose Rebello, native of Loanda; Alexandre de
Araujo Laceria Coutinho Pereira, Town Major; Leandro Jose
de Aragao, Ensign of the Garrison ; Michael Joaquim, Ensign
of Militia; Joaquim da Costa andJoao da Guarda, Lieutenant of
Militia; Manoel Antonio, Captain of Militia; Vicente Antonio
de Quadros ; Antonio Vergolino do (?), Ensign of the Garrison ;
Caetano Benedito Lobo, Lieutenant of Militia ; Camillo Jose
de Lemos, Captain of Militia ; llodrigo Jos4 de Aboiim, Adju-
tant and Captain of Militia; Cliristovao Franco, Chief Captain of
the Mixonga (bush-land) ; Luiz Jose Ferreira Lima, Sergeant
of the Garrison ; Jose Oias, Quartermaster of the Garrison.

Those born in the same town, Joao Vicente da Cruz, Lieu-
tenant of the Garrison; Ignacio Gomes dos Santos, Major of
Militia ; Manuel Jose Cardoso, Chief Captain of the lands ; Luiz
Nunes, Captain of Militia ; Joao Cardoso, Ensign of the Garrison ;
Miguel da Costa e Santa Slaria ; Jose Dias de Sousa ; Dionizio
Xavier da Costa, Ensign of Militia ; Jose Vicente de Aquino.

Ladies of the same country ; the Illustrious Senhora Dona
Francisca Josefa de Moura and Menezes, who had been married
to two Governors of the town of Tette ; Illustrious Senhoras
Dona Paula Mascarenhas ; Dona Filippa Antonia de Moura and
Menezes ; Dona Leonarda Oitavianna dos Keis Moreira ; Dona
Thomazia Kitta de Moura and Menezes ; Dona Izabel Pereira
de Araujo, Dona Anna Sebastiao de Sousa Braganfa, Dona Anna
do Mello Botelho, Dona Izabel Anna de Sousa Braganfa,
Dona Eita de Araujo Lacerda; Dona Maria da Costa, and
Dona Anna da Costa.

Beside these, there are people of another nation called
the “Canaris” (of East Indian derivation), viz., the Illustri-
ous Jose Pedro Diniz, Colonel of Militia; Gonfalo Caetano
Pereira ; Jose Sebastiao de Ataide, Judicial Clerk ; Joao
Caetano de Andrade Soccorro, Lieutenant-Colonel of Militia;
Domingos Antonio Salvador Colafo, Commissioner ef theEoyal
'I’reasury ; Joao Salvador Colafo, and other persons, whose names
I do not know. There are also three persons, whites, whom they
call Gentaos (heathens), who do not profess the Catholic faith ;
they dress in white clothes every day, and wear on their heads
red turbans, which they do not remove to make any salutation,
as other people do ; one is named Tacraus Narus, tailor ; the
second is a blacksmith, and the third a carpenter.

On Saturday, 24th May, 1811, the Lieutenant-Colonel, I say

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240

V. J. BAPTISTA’S PROCEEDINGS AT TETTE.

the Governor, I say the Adjutant, Eodrigo Jose de Aboim, sent
for us to receive the goods given by tlie ladies and gentlemen
which they were deceitfuUy trying to rob us of. Senhor
Rodrigo and Senhor Luiz Jose Ferreira Lima told us that some
very showy pieces of white “ botira,” given us by Senhor Craveiro,
Dona Francisca Quibonda, and Dona Paula Mascarenhas, which
they much needed or coveted, must be changed for Indian calico.
"We said, that having received said pieces from the Governor’s
hands, it would not do to exchange them for two pieces
only, as this “botira” would be useful to us to present to
the Cazembe : the Governor having given us no cloth that would

E lease the Cazembe, who had been the means of our coming-
ere with his Cacuata, and who would be pleased with them,
and let us go on to Angola. The before-named gentlemen
replied yes (that it must be done as they said).

On hfondny, 25th of the same month, a soldier came to fetch
us by the Governor’s order, . to go and see the articles. I
went with my comrade A nastacio, and we saw in the Governor’s
quarto (room) Rodrigo Camelo, Josd de Lemos, and Luiz Jose
Ferreira Lima ; and, looking over the goods, we saw, without
moving them, that the pieces that were there with the rest of
the things were missing. Luiz directly went away, and
when the said Senhor Rodrigo came in we asked him about
them ; he answ-ered us very roughly and coarsely, saying, that
if we had the impudence to question him, he would send us to
buy where the Senhor Honorato was ; and taking hold of me,
he tried to throw me out of the window to the ground ; and, as
he could not lift me, he began to kick me, shouting uproariously
all the time. At last, Senhor Camelo declared in our favour,
saying that it was very wrong to exchange goods from the Royal
Service ; he prevented my telling the Governor about it, as I
wished to, because he was ill in bed, and his companion Luiz
very much wished to prevent it, as it was he who had taken
down on paper a note of the goods as he went from house to
house ; they were both at the bottom of this exchange, which all
the inhabitants considered to have been a very bad proceeding.

Nothing else was done, neither did we witness anything more
in the territory of Tette that I have forgotten to mention,
except my involuntary neglect to carry out the orders of my
master, Lieutenant-Colonel Francisco Honorato da Costa, on
this task of opening the road from the State and Kingdom of
Angola to the Rios de Senna. God be ever praised that we
departed from this towm without the inconvenience which might
have resulted from robberies and other crimes, which cause
peace and quietness to be valued. (Signed) Pedro JoSa
Haptista. (Countersigned) Antonio Nogueiba da Rocha.

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DECLARATION OF F. H. DA COSTA.

241

(D.)

The Governor of Angola transmits from the Governor of the
Rivers of Senna the aespatches, arrived overland in conse-
quence of the discovery of a communication between the two
■coasts of Eastern and Western Africa, made W the pombeiros of
Lieut.-Colonel Director of the Fair of Mucary, Francisco Honorato
da Costa, to whose diligence and exertions is owing the happy
result of this important and much-desired object. The before-
said Lieut.-Colonel prays that he may be justly recompensed
for his services ; for the outlay he made from his own means
on account of the expedition, and for the loss of the slaves
engaged in the underlying, giving up all his rights or title to
the survivors, that they may receive from His Royal Highness
the reward of merit. He wishes also to be able to remunerate
the native heathen chiefs who assisted him.

I charge Pedro Jo5o Baptista to seek out the Hlustrious
8enhor Treasurer-in-Chief of the Royal Exchequer, Francisco
Bento Maria Targini, at Rio de Janeiro, and to assure that
gentleman of my respects, and to beg him to intercede and
promote the intercession with the Prince Regent our Lord, the
Queen our Lady, and the other Royal personages their coun-
sellors and illustrious ministers, to obtain a fair and due
Temuneration for my great services effected entirely at my own
cost, without assistance from any person, or a “real ” from the
Royal Treasury; but on the contrary, with known opposition
from those who have governed Ambaca, and who are undeserv-
ing the name of Portuguese vassals, when the Royal Treasury
has, without any result, lost all it expended, as well as the men
who were entrusted with this enterprise. And so nothing was
effected ; but if any of those who came from Senna and Mozam-
bique had reached Angola, no person, no matter how subordinate
Ids position, would have been unrewarded similarly in addition
to what recompense I expect myself. I hope to obtain something
on account of my slaves whom I employed, of whom some died,
others deserted, while others accompanied and assisted me when
seriously affected with diseases which I have had difficulty in
escaping. With the careful application of remedies and proper
treatment persevered in by them, by the mercy of God I am alive
to remunerate those who remain, and I wish also to reward the
native potentates who assisted me, and who would by the in-
centive of rewards be ready to aid with similar zeal any further
object of interest to the Royal Service ; I renounce entirely all
my rights existing in them (the slaves), that they may be able

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242 LETTERS FROM THE PRINCE REGENT

to enjoy any favours, honours or rewards of which they may be
worthy, and which the Eoyal graciousness may be pleased to con-
fer on them. Fair of Mucary, district of the kingdom of Angola,
27th October of 1814. (Signed) Francisco Honoeato da
Costa.

Legislative documents referring to these explorations : —
[1st.]

To Jose d’Oliveira Barbosa, Governor and Captain-General
of the Kingdom of Angola. — Friend, I, the Prince Regent, cor-
dially greet you. Having had before my Royal presence your
despatch accompanying the result of the exploration with
which Francisco Honorato da Costa, director of the Fair of
Mueari had been entrusted, who by means of unremitting atten-
tion and at considerable personal expense, has at last succeeded
in proving the existence of communication between the two
coasts of Eastern and Western Africa, I could not allow such an
important service, rendered gratuitously, and so worthy of my
attention, to pass unnoticed. Having already in consequence
granted some rewards to the said Francisco Honorato da Costa,
as you will have known, I am equally pleased to bestow upon
him a life pension of eight hundred milreis annually, which
shall be regularly paid by the Board of Administration of my
Royal Treasury in that kingdom of Angola. I also ordain that
he shall remain, as long as he may wish to do so, director of
the before-mentioned Fair of Mueari, from which place he
can best continue to make journeys, which should be annually
repeated from that point to the Rivers of Senna, for which pur-
pose I have resolved that a company of pedestres (pedestrians)
shall be formed there in any manner you may consider best.
After hearing the opinion on the subject of the said Francisco
Honorato da Costa, you will be able to determine the num-
ber of men required to form such company, and also the
persons best suited to fill such posts; bearing in mind how-
ever that I have already reserved the post of captain in it for
Pedro Joao Baptista, as a reward for the services he rendered
in the first expedition and for the knowledge he obtained in it,
which ho will be able to make useful in the subsequent
journeys. The expenses connected with the same will be made
in future on account of my Royal exchequer, so long as I do not
order to the contrary. All of which I think fitting to commu-
nicate to you for your information, and that you may so act
upon it. Given at Our Palace of Rio de Janeiro, on the
twenty-eighth day of August, eighteen hundred and fifteen.
(Signed) The Prince. To Jos6 d’Oliveira Barboza.

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AND THE MARQUIS DAQUIAR.

i 243

[2nd.]

The Prince Regent, my master, having been pleased to
confer on Lieut.-Colonel Francisco Honorato da Costa the
appointment of brigadier of militia, as an acknowledgment for
the important services rendered by him in the exploration of
the communication between the two coasts of Eastern and
Western Africa with which he was entrusted, as has already
been notified to your Honour, the said August Sovereign is
pleased to order that notwithstanding the absence of his
nomination (or diploma) you will facilitate his obtaining and
enjoying all the advantages such appointment confers on him,
both as regards his use of the proper uniform, and the honours
and privileges annexed to the post of brigadier. I forward
this to your Honour for your information. God keep your
lordship. Palace of Rio de Janeiro, 31st August, 1815. (Signed)
Marquis d’Aquiab.

[3rd.]

By a decree, a copy of which is enclosed to your Honour,
my master the Prince Regent was pleased to name Pedro Jo2o
Baptista, captain of the company of pedestrians, which is to be
raised at the Fair of Mucari, there not being now time sufficient
to prepare the nomination (or diploma) of this officer. The
same August Senhor orders that notwithstanding this de-
ficiency your Honour will consider him as already in the
enjoyment of all the advantages which the appointment
just granted by H.R.H. confers on him. His pay of 10,000
reis per month is to commence, and he will make use of the
, proper uniform. I forward this to you for your information
and execution. God keep your Honour. Palace of Rio de
Janeiro, 31st August, 1815. (Signed) Marquis d’ Aguiar.

[4th.]

Desiring to give a proof of the value in which I hold the
services just rendered by Lieutenant-Colonel Francisco Hono-
rato da Costa, Director of the Fair of Mucari, in the interior of
the kingdom of Angola, so worthy my Royal attention, having
succeeded at his own expense, and by untiring diligence, in
opening the communication between the two coasts of Western
and Eastern Africa, I have been pleased to confer on him the
rank of Brigadier of Militia, to continue there in charge of
the same important undertakings. The Supreme Military
Council, having so understood it, will transmit to him the

It 2

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LETTERS OF THE PRINCE REGENT.

necessary documents. Palace of Eio de Janeiro, 13th May,
1815. (With the signature of the Prince Regent.)

[5th.]

Having W Royal decree, dated this day, ordered the forma-
tion of a Company of Pedestrians, to oe employed in the
communication which has just been discovered between the two
coasts of Western and Eastern Africa, I am pleased to confer
the post of Captain of this Company on Pedro Joao Haptista,
wlio was employed on the first expedition. And, considering
the service he therein rendered, I have also been pleased to
grant him, in the exercise of that appointment, the stipend of
ten milreis per month. The Supreme Military Council, having
so understood it, will, in conformity, transmit to him the
necessary He.spatches. Palace of Rio de Janeiro, 28th August,
1815. (With the Signature of the Prince Regent.)

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RESUMi]

OP THE

JOURNEY OF MM. MONTEIRO AND GAMITTO.

By DR. C. T. BEKE, Ph.D., F.S.A., F.R.G.S.

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JOURNEY OF MM. MONTEIRO AND GAMITTO.

By dr. C. T. BEKE, Ph.D., F.S.A., F.R.G.S.*

The second mission from the Portuguese Governor of the Rios
de Sena to the Court of the Muata Cazembe, in 1831, was very
different in character from that undertaken by the governor of
the colony in person in 1798. It consisted of Major Jose
Maria Correa Monteiro, in charge of the mission, Captain
(alterwards Major) Antonio Candido Pedroso Gamitto, second
in command, an escort of twenty soldiers and a drummer, of
whom four only were whites, from the garrison of Tete, and a
Creole interpreter, with 120 negro slaves as porters. In company
with the mission, and as auxiliaries, went two Creole traders
with fifty slaves. Of this party the only persons who could
read and write were the two Portuguese ofiBcers. With the
exception of one magnetic compass, they took with them no
instruments, not even a telescope, neitlier were they provided
with medicines of any sort or kind. Captain Gamitto, who
wrote the narrative of the mission,! of which I am now
about to make use, appears to have been an intelligent and
observant man, perfectly honest and unassuming, making no

5 retensions to any scientific knowledge, and seeming to have
eemed it an advantage to the mission that no man of science
was attached to it.

The expedition left Tete, and crossed the river Zambesi on
June 1, 1831, and, after a most disastrous journey, reached
tlie frontiers of the Cazembe’s dominions on October 27th
following. The barrenness of the country traversed is almost
inconceivable. Dr. Lacerda had mentioned in his diary the
absence of animal life, observing in liis sarcastic, but good-
humoured manner, that he supposed the inhabitants, having
exhausted their food, had declared war against the butterflies.

* lleprinted, with the permission of the publishers, from ‘ Illustrated Travels,’
vol. ii. p. 114.

t ‘ O Muata Cazembe.’ Lisbon, 1854.

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and consoling himself for the absence of mosquitoes by the
reflection that they were spared the torture of their sting and
the annoyance of their “infernal music.” On this second
expedition numerous deatlis are recorded as having been
caused by sickness brought on by want of proper nourislimeut,
if not from absolute starvation. When once within the
territories of the Cazembe they met, however, with larger sup-
plies, the country being partially cultivated and having a larger
jKjpulation.

On November 9th the mission halted at the residence of
a petty officer, on a little hill named Chempire, to await the
Mambo’s permission to approach his capital. The treatment
they experienced there, and subsequently during their stay
in the country, was widely different from the welcome re-
ceived bv the former mission, under Dr. Lacerda, from the
Muata Oazembe Lekeza, whoso memory, Gamitto says, con-
tinued to be respected both at home and abroad, on account of
his many estimable qualities ; whereas his son, the reign-
ing Cazembe, was on the contrary, deficient in everything
that was good, and was, therefore, detested even by his own
relations.

As manifesting the different treatment the two missions
received, I may notice the Koyal message sent to the Portuguese
at the same time that permission was granted for them to
proceed to Lunda, the capital. It was to the effect that things
were then very different from what they had been in the time of
the king’s father, when the former Mozungos visited the country ;
that every negro who should be caught stealing should instantly
lose his head ; and that every soldier or negro who should be
found intriguing with any of the wives either of the Muata him-
self or of his kildlos (nobles) should have his ears and genitals
cut off, but not his hands, because without them he could not
be of service to the Mozungos.

It is indeed true that things were not the same as in the
time of the Muata Cazembe Lekeza ; for Father Francisco
Pinto relates that before the arrival of the mission, that
sovereign called his nobles together, and ordered them to look
after their wives ; for that if they neglected to do so, and any-
thing improper occurred, they would have themselves alone to
blame. And when, afterwards, one of the courtiers complained
to him of the conduct of a Portuguese officer with respect to
his wife, and demanded satisfaction, the Muata order^ him
to chastise his wife for having gone and inveigled the Mozungo !

But so far was the politic and conciliatory conduct of the
father from serving as an example to the son, that the latter
ordered the Muaniancita, or interpreter, not to make the

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'• Geral ” — as the Portuguese envoy was called, as being the
representative of the Governor of Rios de Sena — acquainted with
the ancient customs, because, as the Mozungos uere all new'
men, they should be made to give larger presents than formerly.
And, accordingly, they were subjected to all sorts of extortions
and ill-treatment.

However, it is not my intention to relate the history of the
Portuguese mission, but to describe the manners and customs of
the strange people whom they went to visit, and with whom, it
is to be hoped, we shall shortly be made much better acquainted
by our countryman, Dr. Livingstone.

On the road to Lunda the mission had to pass by the
Mashdmos (by Dr. Lacerda called Massangas) or sepulchres of
the deceased Muatas. As they approached the spot, the
soldiers of the escort donned their uniforms, and put them-
selves in marching order; and on reaching the Mashamos
they were received with lunguros, or cries of joy, from crowds
of persons of both sexes and of all ages, smeared over with mud
from the waist to the crown of the head, some using instead, as
a mark of distinction, a white pow der like chalk, c alled impemha.
On their encamping there, the soldiers forming the escort were
sent to the Mashamos, at the request of the chief commissioned
to accompany the mission to Lunda ; and as a mark of greater
respect, and for the sake of order. Captain Gamitto himself took
the command.

They were first conducted to the Mashamo of the Muata
Canyembo III., the third sovereign of that name and of tliis
state. It consisted of a large quadrangular enclosure, about a
hundred paces on each side, constructed of branches of trees and
stakes, forming an impenetrable barrier. Near the entrance
stood a heap of human skulls, and outside the door, seated
cross-legged on a lion-skin, was the Muine-Mashamo (grave-
keeper or minister), smeared over with impemha from the head
to the waist.

The soldiers here fired three volleys of musketry, and the
captain and the interpreter made their offerings to the Muzimo
(spirit) of the Muata Dy placing them in front of the minister,
who said they were insufficient, and that unless an addition
was made, he would not be able to offer them. His demand
having been complied with, he took the presents with him into
the Mashamo, and shortly afterwards sent to desire the strangers
to enter.

They found the whole space inside in a state of the utmost
cleanliness, and in the centre they saw a large circular house,
thatched with straw, in front of the door of which stood another
heap of skulls. In the centre of this large house was a smaller

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one, of a cylindrical form, made of plaited cane-work, perfectly
empty, and without any decoration, except two painted pillars
at the entrance. This was the tomb of the Muata, and here
they found the minister seated cross-legged, with the presents
before him. After he had so remained some time in silence,
and apparently in deep meditation, he was heard from time to
time to mutter a few words, and at length he exclaimed, with a
loud voice, “Averie!” (Hail!). Gamittosays that this excla-
mation meant “ much obliged but, even, if the true meaning
of the ejmression were not known, the context shows that the
Muine-Mashamo was addressing himself to the spirit of the
Muata, and not to the offerers ; for he then turned round to
them, and said, “ The Muzimo is much obliged to the Mozungos,
and to the Cazembe Ampata for having brought them!”
On this there was a loud clapping of hands, and cries of
Averie ! ” on the part of the Cazembes who accompanied the
detachment ; and the ceremony being then over, they all
retired, the Cazembes resuming their arms, which they had
left outside the enclosure, for no armed person is allowed to
enter.

On the following morning the sepulchre of the Muata Lekeza
— tiie fourth sovereign, and father of the reigning one — was
visited in like manner. Here everything w'as found to be
similar to the other, with the addition only that there were
seen two skulls attached to a tree, wliich, they were told,
were those of two powerful Mambos whom Lekeza had van-
quished and slain, and that near the monarch’s grave stood
thirty gun-barrels, some of which were in very good order ; but,
as they could not be repaired, they were deposited here as tro-
phies, dedicated to the deceased conqueror.

The ceremonies performed here were a repetition of those of
the day before at the grave of Canyembo III., except only that
the oflerings on this occasion had to be increased, for the
alleged reason that Lekdza was the first Cazembe who had ever
seen and conversed with the Mozungos, and it was his spirit
that still watched over and protected them; an argument
which there was no withstanding. All the offerings made at
the sepulchres of the deceased Muatas were, however, for the
benefit af the living one, by whom they were taken posses-
sion of.

On the following day, November 19th, the mission made its
formal entry into Lunda, the capital, by a road some fifteen
yards in width. On this occasion an incident occurred which is
deserving of notice.

Captain Gamitto relates that on the journey from Tete one
of the Creole traders had brought with him a donkey ; but, the

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owner having died on the road, he had appropriated the animal
to himself, and had ridden on it, instead of using a litter like the
other Europeans. As it happened, he was a great gainer by
this ; for, in consequence of the sickness and incapacity of the
bearers, his companions, and even Major Monteiro himself, had
often to go on foot. As there was no saddle nor bridle, Gamitto
had to put up with the best substitutes he could, covering the
little animal with a tiger-skin as a saddle-cloth. It was mounted
on this charger that the gallant captain took his place in the
procession on its entry into the capital. His uniform consisted
of a jacket of blue nankeen and white trowsers, with a scarlet
cord and tassels for a sash. He, as well as the other Europeans,
had allowed the beard and hair to grow so long that the former
reached to his chest, and the latter as low down over his
shoulders. On his head he wore an otter-skin cap, and at his
side hung his trusty sword, the scabbard of which had become
the colour of the natives themselves, from exposure to the air.
Thus magnificently equipped, and mounted on his little donkey,
caparisoned as already described, he made his solemn entry
into what he says is perhaps the largest city of Southern Africa.

The post occupied by the cavalier, who in his own person
formed the cavalry of the escort, was immediately after the
vanguard ; and, as may well be imagined, the singularity of his
appearance attracted universal attention, and gave rise to
innumerable remarks among the spectators. The ass, like the
horse, is an animal totally unknown in that part of the world;
so that some of the natives said, “ It is a man with six legs : ”
others, “ It is an animal that feeds on iron ; ” others, again,
“ He is a great warrior,” &c. The immense multitude assembled
together, the clamour that was raised by them, and the difficulty
of penetrating through the crowd, excited the captain’s charger
to such a pitch that it galloped on with its mouth open, as if it
wanted to bite the people, every now and then giving utterance
to a prolonged bray, to the intense amazement of the people.
“ Were any one to appear in this trim in any town in Europe,”
profoundly remarks Gamitto, “ he would assuredly be an object
of ridicule ; ” but here the donkey and himself shared between
them the admiration and applause of the public — so much so,
indeed, that the rest of the mission was without importance,
and attracted no attention.

This mention of the first appearance of the ass in the country
of the Cazembe induces me to refer to a subject that has of late
much occupied the attention of naturalists and archaeologists,
both in England and in France, since the time of the visit to
Egypt of the Prince and Princess of Wales. At the anniversary
diimer of the Royal Geographical Society, on May 24th, 1869,

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Professor Owen, who had accompanied their Eoyal Highnesses
on their interesting tour, drew attention to the fact that “ to the
Arabian shepherds, Hyksos or Sheiksos, Egypt was indebted
for the horse as a beast of draught. Previously to this Philistine
or Arabian invasion, the manifold frescoes on the tombs of
Egyptian worthies show no other soliped but the ass.” * And
at the meeting of the Academie des Sciences of Paris, on
December 13th last, M. Milne-Edwards, whilst admitting that
the liorse appeared to be originally a native of Central Asia and
of a part of Europe, considered it as being, at the present day,
perfectly demonstrated that the ass is a species essentially
African, which did not extend itself into Asia, except in the
domestic state.f However this may be, it seems quite certain,
from the anecdote I have just related, that the ass is not a native
of Southern Africa.

On the morning of November 29th they were summoned
into the presence of the Muata Cazembe, who was waiting to
receive the principal members of the mission. In pursuance of
the arrangements previously made, they proceeded to the court
with the greatest ceremony, the detachment being under anns,
with their officer at their head ; and as they had received an
intimation that they were all to take something as a present to
the Muata, so that he might know how many persons there were,
and who they were with whom he had to communicate, each
one carried a piece of cotton cloth.

On arriving at the Mossumba, or residence of the Mambo,
they entered a spacious court, which was already filled with an
immense crowd, so placed as to leave a small quadrangular
space vacant in front of the east door of the chipango, as the
inner enclosure containing the residence is called, whether it be
of the prince or of a subject. The soldiers stationed in the
court were the garrison of Lunda, consisting of about four or
five thousand men, all armed with bows and arrows and spears ;
the nobles and officers w'earing in a leather scabbard sus-
pended under the left arm a large, straight, two-edged knife or
sword, called pocue, about eighteen inches long and four
inches broad. They were all standing apparently without any
military discipline.

The Muata was seated on the left side of the east door of
the Mossumba. Several panther-skins, with the tails turned
outwards, so as to form a sort of star, served him as a carpet, on

* In the Athenxum of June 12, 1869 (No. 2172), under the head, “ The
Prince of Waled’a Visit to Egypt,” are some remarks of mine on this most interest-
ing subject.

t Sec ‘ Comptes Rendus. tom. Ixix., p. 1259.

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the centre of which was laid an enormous lion-skin, and upon
this was placed a square stool or ottoman covered with a large
green cloth. On this species of throne was seated the Muata,
clothed with an elegance and sumptuousness such as the
Portuguese officers had never witnessed in any other native
potentate.

On his head he wore a sort of conical mitre, upwards of a
foot in height, formed of feathers of a bright red colour.
Encircling this was a dia'lem of stones, which, from the variety
of colour and their quality, presented a most brilliant sight.
At the back of his head, and rising from the nape of the neck,
was a fan-shaped ruff of green cloth, fastened by two small ivory
pins. The neck and shoulders were covered with a sort of
cape, the upper edge of which was composed of the bottoms of
cowrie-shells; this was followed by rows of pretty artificial
stones of glass ; below which was a row of small circular and
square mirrors, placed alternately in regular order, on which,
when the sun happened to shine, it was impossible to keep the
eyes fixed. These formed the lower edge of the cape, falling
equally over the shoulders, the chest, and the back.

On each arm, above the elbow, was a band of blue cloth four
inches broad, trimmed with very narrow strips of fur, of which
the hair, black and white, was four inches in length, having the

S earance of a fringe. This, being a badge of royalty, could
/ be worn by the Muata Cazembe and his near relatives.
The forearm, from the elbow to the wrist, was covered witli
rows of light blue beads.

The monarch’s body, from the waist to the knees, was covered
with a yellow cloth, having two borders on each side a couple
of inches in width, the upper one being blue and the lower one
scarlet. This cloth was several yards in length, and the way in
which it was worn was by placing one end of it on the body and
then bringing the cloth round over it, and fastening it in front
with a small ivory pin. The rest of the cloth was then gathered
up in small and very even plaits, which were secured by means
of a strip of raw leather, so that the plaits were formed into a
sort of rosette or frill. They call this cloth muconzo, and the
girdle inaipo. This strip of leather is cut out of a cow-hide, the
whole length from the neck to the tip of the tail, and is five or
six inches broad. When the insipo is fastened round tlie
muconzo, the end of the tail hangs down from the rosette or
frill in front.

The Muata had hanging on his right side, fastened to the
insipo, a string of beads, and at the end of this was a small bell
which, when he walked, knocked against his legs, keeping time
with his pace. On his legs, from his knees downward^ were

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rows of beads like those on his arms. Dressed and ornamented
in this fashion, his face, hands, and feet alone were naked, all
the rest of his body being covered, and, as it appeared to Captain
Gamitto, with great elegance and good taste.

To protect the Muata from the sun there were seven large
umbrellas, made of different coloured cloths of native manu-
facture, raised on large bamboos fixed in the ground. Eound
the umbrellas stood twelve negroes, plainly and cleanly clad,
each holding in his hand a whisk made from a cow’s tail, the
handle being covered with beads of various colours. These
whisks were all shaken at the same time, as if to drive away the
flies, on a signal given by the Cazembo with a smaller one
which he held in his hand.

At a short distance from him twelve other negroes with
brooms moved about slowly, their eyes fixed on the ground,
sweeping and picking up all the weeds or other objects, however
minute, that they might find ; and these were followed by two
others walking at the same slow pace, each one having a l^ket
at his back to hold whatever the others might sweep up. But
so clean was the place, that none of them had anything to do,
only the court etiquette would not dispense with these cere-
monies.

Erom the back of the Muata’s seat were drawn on the ground
two curved lines, which met together in front of him at a dis-
tance of four or five yards. The line on the left was simply cut
in the ground ; that on the right was made with impemba, the
white powder already mentioned. In front of the Cazembe,
outside and along these curved lines, were placed in two parallel
rows about two feet apart several images of coarse workmanship,
representing half-length figures of human beings with negro
features, having on their heads the horns of animals, and fas-
tened upon sticks driven into the ground. Between these two
rows of figures, at the end nearest the Cazembe, was a wicker
basket in the form of a barrel containing a smaller figure.
Close to those at the further end were two negroes seated on
the ground, having before them a small earthen vessel filled
with live coals, on which they kept throwing leaves that pro-
duced a dense aromatic smoke. These two men, as well as all
the images, had their faces turned towards the Cazembe. From
below the last image on the right, nearest to the foot of the
fumigator, ran a cord reaching to the feet of the Muata, though
for what purpose was not apparent.

The door of the chipango was open, and within the doorway
sat the two principal wives of the Muata. On the left w-as the
chief wife, who is styled Muaringombe, seated on an ottoman
and wrapped in a large green cloth, having her arms, neck, and

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liead adorned with stones of various colours, and on her head
an ornament of scarlet feathers similar to that of the Cazembe,
only smaller. The second wife, who bore the title of Intemena,
was seated on a lion-skin spread on the ground, being dressed
in a plain cloth without any ornaments. Behind these were
more than four hundred females of various ages, all standing,
and dressed in uhandas, or waist-cloths reaching down to the
knees. These formed the establishment of the chipango, or
the seraglio as it may be called, being divided among the four
principal wives, whose servants they were.

Seated on a lion-skin laid on the ground to the left of the
Cazembe, protected from the sun by two umbrellas, and dressed
like the Muaringombe, or chief wife, sat a young negress styled
Nineamuana, mother of the Muane, or Muata, which title de-
volved on her on the death of the Cazembe’s real mother, as
being her next of kin. Behind her stood about two hundred
negresses dressed in uhandas, forming her state establishment.

Within the square left vacant by the guards, ranged in a
semicircle round the Cazembe, according to their respective
ranks, were the Kildlos or vambires (nobles), seated on the skins
of lions or panthers, each with his umbrella, and all dressed
like the Mambo, with the exception of the cape and the scarlet
feathers. In the centre of the semicircle, and forming part of
it, were two persons who attracted particular attention on account
of their scarlet feathers and far armlets, like those of the Muata,
only smaller. These were his relatives, the one named Kalulua
bein^ his uncle, and the other his nephew, named Suana-
Muropue.

Between the Cazembe and the kilolos were the musicians,
playing on instruments of divers shapes and sounds, quite dif-
ferent from anything the strangers had seen among the other
people they had visited. They were divided into bands ; and,
as each band played its own tune, the eifect was anything but
harmonious; but when one band was heard alone the music
was not without sweetness and harmony.

Among the musicians, and near the Muata, were several
buffoons, ridiculously dressed in panther-skins, hanging down
from their shoulders, with the heads of the animals covering
their own heads, the rest of their bodies being naked. Others
had their heads decorated with the horns of animals, and wore
a girdle of straw, professedly for the sake of decency, but so
arranged as to be, in fact, indecent. Others had strips of
leather hanging from the waist, but in other respects were quite
naked, their bodies being painted all over red and white. And
lastly, some went altogether naked, their heads and faces alone
being covered with grass. Dressed up in tlus fashion, these

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buflfoons made all sorts of grimaces, and put themselves into
the most ridiculous postures, without, however, attracting much,
if any, attention from those present.

The multitude of persons tlius assembled, and the great
variety of their costumes, presented a confused but most
brilliant spectacle. The Muata Cazembe appeared to be about
fifty years of age, but was said to be much older. He had a
thick beard, which had already turned grey. He was stout and
tall, and in possession of health and agility which gave promise
of a long life. His manners were majestic and agreeable, and
his state and style of living were, in tlieir way, showy. Most
certainly it was not to be imagined that so much etiquette,
ceremony, and ostentation would be met with in the sovereign
of a region so remote from the sea-shore, and among a people
apparently so savage and barbarous.

When tlie Portuguese envoy and his escort had come into
the presence of tlie Cazembe, and advanced between him and
the Kilolos, they halted and presented arms, intimating to the
Mambo that this was intended for him, it being the way in
which they saluted kings and great personages, to which he
responded with a deep bow and the expression of his thanks.
As they were all standing, the Muata ordered a large tusk of
ivory, covered with a tiger-skin, to be placed at the feet of the
envoy, whom he desired to seat himself on it. But as he had
not d.one the same to the rest of the party, so that they must
either have remained standing or else have sat down on the
ground, the envoy explained that he could not be seated whilst
the other Mozungos remained standing, such being contrary to
their custom, at which the Muata smiled, and sent a panther-
skin for each of the party.

When they had all taken their seats in front of the Cazembe,
close to the images, he made a slight motion of the head, and
immediately there began a drumming and dancing quite different
from anything the visitors had ever seen anywhere else, which
entertainment lasted a considerable time. When the Cazembe
Ampata — that is to say, the envoy from the Muata to the Portu-
guese Crovemment— who had accompanied the mission from
Tete, came forward and danced before the Cazembe, the latter
stretched out both his hands towards him and said, “ Uavinga,”
which means “ Well done ! ” this being the greatest honour he
ever showed to any one. On this, that officer and all his suite
prostrated themselves before their sovereign, rubbing their
bodies with earth from the waist to the head, and crying out
repeatedly, “ Averie ! averie ! ” (Hail ! hail !) The Mambo
then, turning round towards his courtiers, made a sign to them,
and immediately they all rose and went to salute the Cazembe

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Ampata, who, as they approached him, fell down on his knees. All
tliose of superior or equal rank went up to him, each sejmrately,
and took hold of both his arms, clasping the inner part of the
elbow-joint with the hand, he doing the same to them. The
kilolos of inferior rank, however, did not touch him, but merely
approached him in front, raising both arms in the air with the
hands open, to which lie responded in like manner. During the
whole time he remained on his knees, not rising till they had
all gone through the ceremony of thus saluting him.

The Portuguese envoy then intimated to the l\Iuata that he
also would like to fire a salute, which he approved ; and when
this had taken place he desired that it might be repeated, which
was done accordingly. The solemnity being thus brought to a
close, the Muata dismissed the mission, sending a female slave
as a present to its chief.

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I N D E X.

Abacia, or unicorn, 2(3 n.

Abcokutn, HI n.

Aboim, Ito3rig65Tosc Jc, 235, 229, 240.
Abulonga Ancula, Sou of, Kivcr, 118.
Acuboiin, lands of, ^

Aco Kiver, 15, ^

Adamastor stream, ^

Aden. British authorities of, 28.
Agbome, capital of Uahome, nTn.
Agoos altss, 84 ^

Agua dc Inglaterra, 75.

Agysinibo, ruins of, Tn., 8 n.

AhUombo, Fumo, farm of7 f?2.

Albino, 88 n.

AlcxandCT the Great, H and n.
Alexandria, mission station at, .8 ?t.
Almas, souls or ghosts, 59 n.

Alondas, or Alundas, tribe, 47 104,

207.

Amaro, Jose, the Pombeiro, 167.
Amazons, women porters, 70.

Ambas, or chief olliccrs, ^

Ambos tribe, 99.

Ambriz RivcrTYO ».

Ainendoim, ground-nuts, 42.

Amtapo Aquilala, farm oTj ~217.
Amutua, Alounna Mutapa, Chief, 237,
Anbulita Quisosa, farm of, 174.

Anceva Fumo, lol, 108, llO, 112, 113,
115, 1 19. w.w.inT, 153,15?;

155 ; 13 ?; iSo, ran: 14371??: nsrrso:

Ancula River, 181, 213.

Andrade Soccorro, Joio Gaetano de,
239.

Angola, copper-mines of, ^ negroes of,
16 ; river transit of, 19 n. ; trade of,
20 and n. ; sham permission to pro-
ceed toj ~I35, 137 ; soldiers deputed
for, 141 ; obstacles to the Mission,
144, 150 ; arrival of the Pombeiros
from, lOlT: their journal, 189 et «eq. ;
documents relative to their journey,
189 el seq.

Angu porridge, 59^ dough, 7^
Angullo, SovB, 25 n.

Anguros tribe. 35~«., 81.

Angurucu, Sova, ^ m
Anibuleto Quisaosa, 207.

Anpab, Chief. 181.

Anthropophagi, Caffre, 93.

Antonio, Manoel, 339.

“ Apostles’ street,” ^ proposed ‘.Nile
mission stations, 3 n.

Aquilala, Tambo, Chief, 185.

Aquino, Jose Vicente de, 239.

Arab geography, 30 m
Arachia llypogma^i n.

Aragfio, Leandro Jose'He, 239,

Arambas tribe, 99.

Araujo, Dona IraFol Pereira de, 239.

, Lt.-Col. P. N. V. de, “TT^

115, 121, 124, 13.3, m m.

— — Lacerda. Dona Rita de. 239i
Ardeans, a blue stuff, 56 and m
Aruangba, Northern, orTjoangwa River,
35 n., 40 ^ ^ 89, 1^ ^ ^

T34, 23U.

, Southern, or Aroangua River,

30 »(., 35 »., 36, ^ »., 49.

Arunda tribe, 47~ n., 55, 15? «.

Ass, the, unknown inDazemFe’s coun-
try, 251.

Assuan mission station, 3 m
AssumpeSo 0 Mello, Jose de, 24 m
Ataido. Jose Sebastiao dc, 46,^3, 23,5.
236j 239.

Atalaia, or sentinel, 26 m
Avontureiro, or volunteer, n.

AvUo, the, 24.

Aycurii, or Gnaycuni race, ^

Azevedo, Constantino Pereira de, 169.

, Antonio de Araujo de, 203,

Azimos, or dead, 127.

Babindele, or Portuguese. 48.
Baca.sacala stream, ISO. 2t5T
Bagre, iiah, 118.

Bahia, 1, 18
Bailundo, 25 m
Balakahari trilie, 31 ».

Baloch, 63 67 fl.

Bamba village, 163.

Bambire trite, 22 n.

Bnndeira, Viscount de Ba da, 10, 1^
19 n., 20 n., 22 n., 24 n., 29

Digitized by Google

260

INDEX.

Banfja Bunga, 199,

Bangwcolo Lake, 36 n., -17 n., 100 n.
Banyai, 22 ^ ^ n. 97)i.

BsnyansTHi^

‘‘ Banza,” 17 and n.

Baptista, "Pedro JoSo, route-journal
from Angola to the Kivcra of Senna,
189 et teq. ; questions put to, 198 et
*eq. ; route-journal from the lands of
the Muatahianvo to those of the
Cazembe, and to Tette, 203 et teq. ;
notes of the days of journey, 219 et
tejj . ; report of journey, 221 ; account
of intercourso with the governor and
other inhabitants of Tette, 233 it teq.
Bar. gold-washing place, W 70,
163.

Barbosa, Colonel J. F. A., 50 «.

, J. M. Garcia de Castro, M »,

, Josd d’Oliviera, Capt., dcsjmtches

of, 167, 202.

BarccUos, T

Barde puo^c, ^ 70, 83,

Barlhemn, 20.

Barve, king"of, 83.

Batatas. 1^

Batin pi tribe, 3T
Bnzizulu.s, 38 ».

Beadle, B. 'K., translation of tlie Pom-
boiroa’ journal by, 165 et teq.
Beohwuna country, 317
Beilawin, ^ 155.

Begar, forcedlabour, 19 n.

Bcke, Dr. C., rc'sumd of the journey of
MM. MonUiiro and Gamitto, 215 el
teq.

Belengi, or Belenje, River, 186, 218.
Bcinba, or Baugweolo, Lake, 106, 161 n.
Bengeli River, 189.

Benguela country, 13, ^ ^ 25 n., .5^
Benin, city, 42 n. :"tnbe (SflTn.
Benlengi River7 ~I90.

Benzi stream, 19,3.

Bernardino, pilot, 9.

Bidani, a Sterculia, ^

‘ Bibliotheca Glottica,’ ^

Bilboes, puriislimciit, ^

Biasungo Bitlolo, 16
Bive, kinglet, ^ ^ 66.

Bixo, or slave, W 191.

Bobo, manioc flour, 20i!.

Boca, 102 n., 109.

Boers, exodus of, 31.

Bolama Islands, ^ «.

Bomba, Chief, 220.

Bonaparte, dread of, ^ ^ 2.31, 237.
Bonba, Chief, 199.

Botiaiu, a stuff. 112 n,

Botombucas, tribe, helots, 77 ^

Bowdich, 1^ 17 ^ 1^ «., 106 «.

Brazil, 16,~59,Tl, 99 it.

Briaut, Capt., 1^

Brr>ehedo, 51. B. T„ 22 n.

Brookhouse, Sir., 13.

Bun rivulet, 4^ 75TT6, 105.

Bubo tribe, ISn.

Bue River, HTO.

Buibui, farm of, 211.

Buinba Ajala, Capoco, 200.

Bunda, ^ n.

Butongas, or freedmen, M and m

Caballeros, or “ Slounted Indians,” ^

Cabindas, the, W n., ^ n.

Caboamanga, 59.

Cnbola, farm 6^218.

Cabomba Salina.~ 23i.

Cabuita Capinda, Ambassador of the
Cazembe. 213. 211.

Cncamuca River 219.

Caconda, 219.

Cachocira, cascade, M n.

Cagimbo, dry season, 27, 238.

Cacoata, guide, 221, 220 , 229, 230.

Cacoraba, farm of, 192.

Caconda Nova, W and ^ 21.

Caemba, 220.

Coisar, Julius, 11 n.

Coctano, GuucaIo, T97, 198.

Caffres, unreliableness of, 1, 89, 91^
157, 161; deity ignored ^yri8 «.,
15 n. ; tribes, 31 ; peaceful diame-
ter of country Caffres, 52 ; cloth, 50 ;
indolence of, ^ ^ 77T ^ 93 ; a
well-built warllEo raceTCl ; mode of
killing elephants, 8^ prdercnce for
tainted meat, 86j want of intelli-
gence of, 91 ; greeting ceremonie.s
of, 97 : circular houses of, 116 ; their
thievish character, 119, 160, 163 ;
polygamy a sign of dignity among,
12,5.

Cagiurigo River, 172, 173, 206, 207.

CahiumM Camara, farm of. 1827~2T1.

Cairo, mission station at, 3 n.

Cairuire, farm of, 190.

Cajanut Tndicutf 71 n.

Calabar bean, ord^, 96 n.

Colalimo River, 170, mr^Ol.

Colega, Jose' Rodri^ez, guide, 8, ^7,
73, 7C 85. 107, lU, 115, 117, 120.
I2l7T227l3T7 T30337Tgl.~Wi, TlC
ni; nCi35rilCn77 rai; 1 .50,

151, 163.

Camango, Chief, 18, 192.

Camaroncs River, 26 n. ; Slountains,
43 n.

Camatanga, Muene, farm of, 173, 207.

Camba River, 195.

Cambambe, Falla of, 19 n.

Ca Sleguigo River. 193.

Cnmicomba River, 190.

Digitized by Google

INDEX.

261

Camoa Biver, 177, 210,

Camoous, 29 n.

Camonqueje Rivor, 176.

Csmpeze, Fumo Chimmba, village of,
Si.

Ciitnungo, Chief ; farm of, 21.9,
Camu-sangagila Biver, 171, 205.
Canado, heads, 178.

Oaimris, foreign tribe, 239.

Canahia River, 170.

Cananga, sister of Cazembe, 226.
Cancaco, halting-place, 175.

Candido, Signor, 30 «.

Candimlx), 22.

Caiidione slave, 132. 138.

Canengua Biver, 187.

Cangueli, farm of, 190.

Canhao, the Caffre,~ I57.

Canhembo. Quilolo, or captain, 101.

III., 249, 250; IV. and V.rUIl.

Canina, Chief, 2?7
Cannegoa Biver, 218.

Canoe Indians,

Canongucssa country, 170, 204.
Canpucje, halting-place, 173,^07.
Canpungue, farm of, 186, 187.
Canssnidu, 219.

Canutilho, 42 and ^ 110 n.

Capaca, elJ« brother of Cazembe, 226.
Capaca Melemo stream, 174, 208.
Capaco Biver, 189.

Oapangara, 48, 49, 194.

Capangura ^age, 85, 105.

Capata, farm of, 1967“^

Capelebanda farm, 194.

Capelema village, 195.

Capendo Hianva, 169.

Capeco Calubunda, Chief, 193.

Capo Town, 20 n.

Capelemena,13hief, 195.

Caperampande, village of, 87.
Capcremcra, Chief, ^ 78, 7^ 80, 82,
83, 81, 86, 87, 89, 93, ISS.
Capiro|~Bcrrar84 ».

Capoco, Quilolo, farm of, 206.

Caponco Bumba Ajala, farm of, 172.
Capotim, a blue stuff, 56 m
Capueje Biver, 186, 2IRI
Capunque, farm of, 218.

Caquietatumo stream, 190.

Caquila Biver, 190.

Caquinga, Soveta, 25 n.

Caquiza Muegi, farm of, 170, 204.

Cara, UelianOitu tuberotue, 71.
Caramuga, 48.

Caraore settlement, 49.

Carapu^a, cap, 127.

Cardoso, Jo&o, 239.

, Manuel Josd, 239.

Carlotina, Cordilheira, 84, 105.
Caronga, Mocanda, Chief; 195, 196.

Carrapatos, poisonous ticks, 2.
Carregadorcs, Negro portors720.
Carucuigo Biver, 190 ; Salinar ^Ol.
Caruzissira stream, 6ff, 105,

Casocoma, farm, 1897 ~^

Casamba, Muonc, farm of, 17.3, 207.
Casaa, Muene, farm of, 171, 205.
Cassaco, desert-lodging, 208.

Cassango Factory, II.

, Fair of, 20 n71B7, 199, 200, 202,

234.

Cassibo, or Cacimbo, 238.

Castor-oil tree, ^ n.

Catanga, or green stones, 188.

Catara, a grandee, 7, 41, 44, 45, SS, 82,
^ 91, 95, 112, 157,TS9, 1937

Mirim^, 228, 23C

Catetua and Catiza, farm of, 197,
Catonta stream, 177, 210.

Catumbella, ^ n.

Caunda, 48.

Cauril, value of the, 79.

Cuuris, or cowries, ^ n.

Cavalleiro, or Equestrian tribes, 89.
Cavenga, 219.

Cavulancango Biver, 184, 210.

Caxai, 212, 231.

Cayapos tribe,

Cazale River, 172, 205.

Cazembe, King, ^ 7, 8, 3^ 3^ 3^ 38,
41, 42, 43, 45, SOr^ST 55, 75; 72, 3^
9?; 55; 5K T50rT0TTl02, 1U3, 169;
TT5,~n 5 T 1 i57~ir7T ns7 1197 125;
m; T22; jw , 125; 125; 139; m;
135; 134, 135, 136, Tgg; iss; 145;
141, 142, I43, ^ 146, TiT, IIS;

149 ; ^ 176; ^ its; 179; ift;

152; 183, 184; IBm 186, I8T, 188;
195, T9I, 255; 253; 259; 215; 2IT7
245; 217, 222; 223; 224; 225; 226;
228; 229T235;232r234724D,‘247,252;
2^25i;^256t

, city of the, 5, 30, 39, 52, 100,

103 m, ^ io7,~ 7i87ri8g; m, 200 ;
20C'218.

— — , farm of, 192, 218.

, territory of, 231, 233, 248.

Hunga, 223,226.

Lekeza, 248!

Ceara, 19.

Chabanza Mutomba, 227.

Chacabuita, 220.

Chaflm stream, 180. 212,

Chaillu, P. du, 25 n., 153 n., 158 m
Charaa Lake, 39T countryTSSI
Cha Muginga Mucenda, "Chief, 176,
H7, 209, 222.

“ Chambanqua,” war drum, 104.
Chambeze, or Zambezo River, 23 n.,
^ n., 48, 85, 93, 94,95, 106, 1507228.
Charpy, Csctan766 11 .

Digitized by Google

262

IXDEX.

Chatham, Earl of, 93 «.

ChecundM, 8lavc8,~ ~I19, 134, 140, 159,
llil.

Chedimn, 22 97 n.

Chcmpiro TulI7 ^4B.

Chenone, 49.

Cherim River, ^

Chevaa tribe, 76 «, 1^ n.

Chibanbo, 59.

Cliibucry, 12.).

Chibuy, Fumo, 122.

Chifuvia, malaclute, 130 )i.
ChiRumutuiuiro stream, ^ 105.
Chiliamono village, 149.

Cliiliapaoo village, 1 49.

Chinduudo L»pata,~liir»i.

Chiiiguenguc, liair-powTTer, ^
Cliinhemcapes, 48.

Chinimbu, or Chnihimba, 7, 55, 72, 131,
132, l-SO, 139, 147, 152.

Chinti Capenda, Chief, S3 n.

Chipiieo village, 48, 75, Tl!> ; Chief. 96.
Ciiipoco village, TT.).

Chii)onda, 70.

Chirando ylTTage, 150.

Chire, or Sliire, River, 80, 37j 75 and Uj,
81, 88, 99.

f ilTltciiga village, 77, 105.

Cliiti-Muculo, 99 m
Cliobe River, ^ «.

Chrishona Missionaries, proposed Nile
mission stations of, 3 n.

Chuabo, 74 and ii., U70, 171, 172, 173,
174, ^ l^r T79,T80,TST, 182;

T85~, 186, 194, 237.

Chuugu, burial-place of Jlr. Lacerda,
148. i

rivulet, locality of Dr. I.u-

eerda’s death, 99 n.
Chydoira-miijepo7?8.

Cice River, 25 n.

Cio, farm of, 209.

Citio, or farm, 209.

Cuanza River, 3jT7 2^ ^ 119.

Cobaes tribe, ^ 2B.
fJoco« nueijera, toHiTy from, M ^
Coghlan, Colonel, ^ »i.

Coimbra, 1.

Cola^o, Antonio Salvador, 239.

, Joilo Salvador, 239.

t.’olonoB, or tributary native landholders,
58 «.

Comoro Islands, French occupation of,

O] _

Condo, 59.
tlonduaTTS^

Congo, kinglet, 48.

tribe, 26 n., 44 n. ; River, ^ 36 n.

Con8taueio,~26~n.

Convolvulus Batata, 18, 42, 92.

Cook, Capt., 59.

Cooley, Mr., 11, 1 5 n., 16 ^ 23 ^ 25
30 «., ^ n:r36^ 37^ SS" n., |5 ».,
W iS n., 45^ 57 n., 58 «., ^
II.) 67 II. , 77 8Fi(., 86 «., 91 n.,

94 «;795 nTTlOo n., I64,~I07 ii.
Copper-mines, 222.

Cora^oo de Jesus, 1.

Corrientea, Cajio, rebellion at, 108.

Costa, Gaetano da, 9, 138, 143, 144.

, Dona Anna da, 239.

. Francisco Honorata da, 11, 167,

235, 236, 241, 242, 243; letter of,
200 .

, Joaquim da, 239.

, Dona Maria da, 239.

e Santa Maria, Miguel da, 239.

, Xavier da, 239.

Coutinlio, Francisiio Innoceneio da
Sousa, Governor of Angola, ^
20 n.

, Rodrigo de Sousa, 3, 13, 14 ii.

Couto, Da, 66 a.

Cruz, Automb Tose da. Fort lieutenant,
9,^65,74,1^111, 115, 119,120,
T24TI^, 130ri3Tr~133, 137, 138,
po; 1467 14471457 "

Cubango River, n 22 and m
“ Cubata,” 17 2 L
Cube, 59.

Cnie River, 220.

Ciinde Irugo hill, 47 184, 216.

Cunene River, 3, 25, 23, 24, 29~it., 31,
41, 50.

fiunha, Capt. Joao da, 74, 139.

Cntarlo River, 22.

Cutaganda, soiToT, 174, 207.

Cutaqua village, 169.

Cutaquaseja, guide, 179, 203, 214.
Cutnquacexe, farm of. 221.

Cutia River, 25 ».

Cuyaba, 2.

Cyprus, monogamy of, 19 n.

Daboinc, 43 44 ^ 57 ^ 108 it.,

114 II., no «. .Tving 6T, 37 n„ 101
; ‘"Hission to Dnliome.^T, 40 n..
Sin.

Darameuea River, 196,

Daro, hulting-ploco, 107, 155.

“ Dashes,” or free gills, 27, 38 and n.
Death ollerings, ^

Do Castro, F. A., H.

De la Condamiuo, 15 n.

Decken, Baron von der, 37 n.

De Jarric, Jesuit, 3. 12. 33 n.

Delgado, Antonio Francisco, 9, 157.
Dembue, 219.

Dcnde, palm-oil tree, 42.

Den to de manBm miudo, small ivory,

111 .

Digitized by Google

IXDEX.

2G3

Dins, Bartholomew, 16 m
Diniz, Jose Pedro, 25!T.

Doll plant, 71.

Dombo da 75uiiizamba, sulphur niiiies
of, la

Domho, “ the Terror,” 731.

Donna Maria 3 ^

Don Quixote, 03.

Ddrdra, heads,~?2.

Dos Santos, 66 ti.

Dourada, ii.

Dukliun, 17 11 .

Duinljos, pHims, ^

Durante, woollen stuff, 1^ 22.7.

Karth-nibbing, ceremony of, 11 anil ^
Eijiguaijigi tribe, 2.

Etem Guinientii, 12 n.

Elephnntes, Bio dos, ^ n.

EUvsine Coracano, 17 ii.
Empae4sseiro,huntor of wild cattle, M n .
Empacasso, gnu or buffalo, 26 «.
Emjihyteosis, land tenure,

Encogo Fort, 20 n.

Enhaliudos, slrih bags, 158.

Erhardt, map of, IW
Estanho, tin, 11.

Fabiao, Gaetano, Chief of Squadron, 9,
118. “
Fanna, Muene, 220.

Farinha, manioc meal, 100.

Ferreiros, or smiths, 2251
Fetishes, 15, 120.

FranciscoT^nastaoio, 236.

Franco, ChristoTao, 239.

Fraqueza, debility, TIT
Freire, Bernardino, TT.

Freitas, Mr., n.

Frio, Cabo, 21 n.

Fruter, DutcE Commissioner, 31.

Fuba, maize meal, ^ n.

Fumos, or Mfumos, dlitriet chiefs, 62,
68, ^ ^ 151, 163.

Fiinc9iio de pombe, 158.

Funerals, 128.

Gabuo, or Gaboon, Eiver, 21 «.
Gaeonda, Little Fish Bay,“re «.
Galangue, 21.

Galveas, Count das, 167.

Gama, Antonio dc Saldanha da, ^
Gambos, or Sambos, the, 2^

Gamitto, see Mooteiro.

Ganda, palace, 139 ^

Gando, farm of, 1867 ~

Gangs Abilonda, 232.

Gango Biver, H ^

Ganguelas, savage cannibal tribe, IT.
Garcia, Major, 16 n.

Gargalheira, chain gang, ^ 155.

Garo|)a, fish, 11.'^.

Gelele, King of Dahome, 10 n., 117 i±,
MO n.

Gcral, term applied to DoLaeerda, 118.
Gorebitu, liquor, 23,S.

Getim, cloth, llOT

Ghats, or Usagara Slountains, 76 n.

Gnu, 26 11 .

G.-ia, 31, 235,

Godinho, Manoel, Fray, ]h 1^ 30^ 37 a.
(iiKlri, quilted coverlet, 159.

Gold-dust mines. 238.

Golungo-Alto, 18 «., ^ i>.

Gome.s, Josii Tlioniaz, 9, 71, 91, 1 10,
111,116,

Gona Biver, 186, 218.

Goudar, 3 n.

Gora, 11, 45.

GorongoziTHountains, 55 n.

Gova, or Goa, 70 n.

Graija, .JoaquinTBodriguez, 1^ 119 m
Great Fish Bay, 16 n.

Great Libata settlement, 25 n.

Greeting ceremonies of tSffres, &c., 07.
Guamlu bean, 71.

Guapula, Eoapula, or Luapula Biver,
139 II.

Guarava Biver, 17 and m
Guarda, Jofio da7 ^39.

Guerra I’reta, Negro militia, M m
Gurula, Chief, 196.

Haines Biver, 3^

Hair powder, use of, 8^ ^

Harar, 7 m
Harrington, Capt., ^

Heinosura, or Murusum, Eiver, ^
Heurique, Don, the Virgin, M «.
Hiabenge Eiver, 192.

Hieinba Munda, 221.

Hilton, Mr., 110 a.

Hippocratc.s, 90.

Solciis sorghum, 17 «., 36.

Horace, 29. 82.

Hottcntdls^ tribo of,

Huita Amateto Eiver, 178, 211,

Huizos, tribo of, 228.

Humbe Grande, 22 and ii.

Hundus, species of duck. 211.

Hunga Amuronga, or Canhembo IV.,
lUl IL

Huombia Eiver, 193.

Hyksos, horses introduced into Egypt
by the, 252.

Hytanda, tlie Cazembo’s throne, 112.

lao, or Wahiao, land of the, 39 n.
Iceland, sparse population ofT^ n.
Impaqeiro, 25 n.

Impemba, chalk' powder, 1^ n.
Imperador, the, 6^

Digitized by Google

INDKX.

Inipoane, or Jljiuaiii, the Zanzibar
coast, 57 n.

InamiromBe, boundary hill, 196.

Jngeba Kivcr, lti9, 203.

Inhacengeira. GO, iu5.

Inhnmbane, 317^2 n.

Inharnangn, 49.

Iiipume, hnUing-plaoc, 177, 210.

Insipo, Icatliern I>eU, 42 ^

IreinOzo Kiver, 34, 10^

Izabuigi 8tream, T70, 204.

Jaga, or chief, ^

.lagiinr,-!, ^

Jauii, .Tuva, or Gova, village, ^

7(b ^ m
.lava mines, ^ 70.

.looquiin, M icTIaei r239.

■Tonnina, Conlilhcira, 63.

Joiio, Don, ij!?.

VII., Regent, 4 ii.

.lohnston, Mr. Keith, TO n.

.lose. Ainistacio, 11.

.fosefa. Dona Francisea, of Tette, 131. .
Juba River, 3^

Junta, 5^

Kalicbe town, 41 ».

Kafir race, see Caflre.

Kanialondo Lake, 30 n., 47 ii.

Kaole village, 63 m
Karagwe, or Kaiiigwab, »,

Kasai, Groat, River, 41m
Kasakere, IJusbmen,”^ m
Katanga, Chief, 30 m
Kazeh Arabs, 10T~ ii.

Kebrabasa Rapids, ^ n.

Keringo stalion, 39 n.

Khainbi, or kraal, tW m
Khinlabakhsh, 10.

Kichhri, 71.

Kiliiido, Fiark lioxes, l.aG «.
Kilima-ni,,or Quilimanc, ^ n., 39.
Kilolua, 256.

Kilwa, 37 ».

Kirk, Dr.. 12, 26 ii., 43 a., 56 ^ 62 ^
79 n., 1 19~».,~T2T~ ri7~151L m
Kirk's Mountains, 66 n,

Kisawahili dialeit, M n., 75 u.,

156 zu

Kitumla, a cot, 1 12 n.

Kiyombo, King, lOf ii.

Koii, or score, 141 n.

Kraal, 83 ».

Krnpf, Dr., 3 and ^ n., 1^ n.

Lnccrda, Dr. Francisco Jose' Maria de,
birthplace of, ^ book of travels, 2 ;
robbed of his papers, 3^ character ofi
5^ his party, 7 ; amount of his suc-
cess, ^ prellmiuary observations

by, H el eeq. ; information us to tho
proposed “ Cazembe Expedition," and
instructions issued to his party, 33 et
eeq, ; preparations for tho journey, 55
et eeq. ; departure of tho party, and
journal, ef eeq. ; end of tho journal
and scene of his death, 103 ; diary of
of his journey, 105, 106.

Ijaliour, forced, evils of, 19 n.

Lake regions of Centranulertropical
Africa, L
TiUma, ^ 71.

I.atao, metal, ^ 53.

Lavni.i, or Ijovms, gold washings, 197.
Lecambye River, 23 ii., 36 n.

Lemos, Oumello Jdifi de 7255, 239, 240.
Len^ol, 159 n.

Iioqueza, Cailhembu IV., 104, 250.
Levar, ^ u

Levugo or Tlevugo River, 97 7i.

Liambesi River, 23 n.

Libambo, slave-chain, 19 »., 20 ii.

“ I.ibata, ” 17 and ii^ 23~ii., 2d7.

Likuare River, 40 n.

IJmn, Lopez do,~Capt., 12, 15 ».

, Luiz Jose Ferreira, 259, 240,

Linhares, Conde do, ^ H n.

Liuyanti, 30 m

Lions, dangers from, 1^ and 162,
180, 213.

Liabnn,~52i 76.

Little Fish Bay, 16.

Livingstone, Dr., 7 « , 8 n., 1 1, 15 71 .,
20 71 , 22 71., 23 71.,~K 71.720 «., 30 71 .,
5T 71., 55~7i., ^ 76i 3 Tti., 38 71 .,
39 40 71., 45 71., 48 ^”49 «., So n.,

S5 ^ S5 71., 66 71., 37 71 ., 70a ., 84 n.,
^ 71., ^ n., ^ 71 ., OJin, ^ 71., 100 n.,
112 «., 117 71., 118 71., 128 71., 161 71,,
249.

I/oanda, 12 11 ,, 21 71 .

T.oango, 2L

TiOangwa, 34 n. ; strcjini, 40 «,

Lobisa plateau of Livingstone, 85 71 ,
Lobo, Cuetauo Beuedito, 239.

Loena, 25 71.

Lojc, forti 21 7 ^

Lombimbe724.

Lojio GoncalvM, Cape, 20 11 .

Louren 90 Marquez, BajiT^ n. 31, 42 77 .
Loiivar country, 201.

Loval, M 71.

Imnlabn River, 177, ^ 179, 180, 2^
223.

Lualiio River, lOL
Luane, 70 71 .

Lunpula River, 38, 39 ti,, 47 11 ., 94 71 .,

184, 185, I86, - 2t7T218. ^

Lunrula River, 223.

Lubilaje River, 175.

Iiubile Kiver, 175

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IXDliX.

265

Lububuri River, 175, 176, 209.

Lubury River, 177712^327^33.

Luca River, 196.

Luceque, Cliief of, 22.

Lucenila, Cazcmbo's city, IM n., 101.
Luchcringa station, 3^

Luco, millet, 17.

Lucongi, farmor, 21.5.
laicingi River, 195^

Imconquossa, farm of, 206.

Lucuale River, 46.

Lucuusn River, |^anil n.

Lucuetue River, 191.

Lucunzio River, 195.

Luena River 25 ii., ^ ii. , 151, 190.
Lufirn River, ^r Bartlc Frere’a “ Lua-
laba,” 47 m

Lufubo River, 186, 218.
liufula River, 210.

Lufunbo River, 190.

Luiagamdra, Chief, 187.

Luiama Cabanba, Chief, 191.

Lniaua, or Quiana Acanaiiga, liultiiig-
place. 178.

Luiangue, city of, 196.

Luibuc, Chief, 191.

Luigila 8tream7~ I7S ; river-plain, salt
making in, 178, 188.

Luigi River, 219.

Luinhame, Cliief, 201.

Luinhiba do Cazembe, farm of, 193, 194.
Luiota, firm of, 192.
l.uipiri, desert-lodging, 191.

Luiza River, 41 169, 293, 204.

Lunbanzeiigu~River, 192.

Luii;aja, halting-place, 174, 207.
Luncongi, firm of, 182.

Luncongucha, 173.

Lunda, or I^ndo, city, 38 ^ 48 ^
103 ^ 250 ; River, 189.

Lunfaj^or Lufula River, 177.

Lunlieca River, 171, 179.

Lunhua River, 169.

Lupata Mountains, 29 ».

River, 60 ; Gorge, ^ 105.

Lupulo River, 227.

Lupupa, farm of, 191, 192.

Lutipuca River, 184, 216.

Luviri River, 47, 182,1111, 215.

Luy Amboellas, 25 n.

M**'a de Congo, 16 m
M’vna, hunter or fislierman, 33 n.
Mabobela, desort-lodging, 21T7
Macala stream, 193.

Maipuuballa, millet, H m
Macatupa, ^

Mocaxcir.i, manioc, 101 m
Macoco, farm of, 198i
Macoude stream, 174, 207.

Machinga, or Maxing, 58, 88, 103.

Macqueen, Mr. J., 10, 22 n., 88 n.
Madeira Rio, 59 n.

Magadoxo, 32.

Magyar, LaBislaus, 38 n., 41 104.

Mainato, washing, 141.

Maize, 17 n.

Makololo, ^ II. , 67 n.

Malachite, or MalaqUites, 130.
JIarabo-a-Chedima, King, 22 m
Mumpur, or Ngami, Lake, ”51.
Mamukweud-nshinto stroamT^S.

“ Maneputo,” ^ and m

Manes of ancestors, worship of, 80, 102.

JIangn, region of wtiites, 109.

Manganja, the, 67 m

Manguro.s, tribe”of, 81 and n.

Manii;a Caffres, 55.52.

Manicongo, Lord of Congo, ^
Alanilhas, bracelets, 18 n.

Manioc meal, mode of "preparing, 100,

101^ m

Slarave Ijake, 30 n.

Mar •ives, thievTSi character of the, 5^
•61, 65, ^ 68, 70, 71. 72, 73. 74;
cowardice ot^S~T~ vlRagcs bl7 92 ;
productiveness ”bT country of, 5^
greeting customs of, ^

Maravi River, misuomor of, 30.
Marenga gold-diggings, 163.

Mareuga, or Marengue, Land, 35 and m
Marianno, Luis, missionary, 38”n.
Marimba, musical instrument7 ^T2.
Marisana, Cordilheira, 68.

Marissa, or Marrisca, diitrict, 238.
Marriage customs of the Murundas,
128.

Marungu, or Rnnangwa, River, 39.
Mascarenahs, Dona Paula, 239.
Mashamos, sepulchres of Muatas, 249.
Miissa, manioc dough, 128.

Massanza, royal burial-place, 102 and n.,
249.

Masse', kinglet. 84.

Masungure village, 152.

Matantora. Lupata, 66 n.

Mato Grosso city, 1,"^ ””

Mauch, Herr Carl,“8 m
Mave, or Muave, ordeal for witchcraft,
96 and a,

Maxamo, royal burial-place, 102n., 127 n.
Maxila de Gondo, a coarse stuff, 1277
Maxinga, farm of Dona Francisca, ^

, mines of, 58 and ^

Mayotte occupied" by the French, ^ n.
Mazanba, 49.

Mazavambaj" kinglet, 35, 84 ; village,
85. 105.

Mazy, kinglet, 35.

Mbarazi plant, 7T n.

Mediuca, or MeHIqua, palm, 43 n.
Mehmandar, strangers’ host, T087i.

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266

INDEX.

MpUo Botc-llm, Don.i Anna dc, 239,
MpS'ira, or Wa.sira tribe, lOt, 12ti.
jiJcssire-Gi.irimibo, Cbicr,~95~n.

SIcssum, Mr., li

theory, 129.

Mexicans, desiiotism and cruelty of, 38 n.
^Ifiimo, rr JO, 02 n.

Jlichonga, Mor’cTaTDbief Cajitain of tho
linsli, 8. 70.

MUandos Kegregados, or palavers, 30
and II., 45, 02, (iO, 74, 111 n., lIC^

132.

“Millio Ilurro,” maize, H n.

Millet. 17 and ^

Jlilno-lSTwards, M., 252.

MiUiaua, Iribe, 99n.

Minas, coast of, 21 in
Mines, Copper, 18 »., 222.

, gold, T'l, 78, 103, 238.

, iron, 187 ‘

Missanga, glass heads, M ^ 9^
Mitomlo, 59.

3fS in

Mobengi. farm of, 192.

Acalams, Chief. 192,

Jlooanrla, or Slukando, kinglet, 49, ^
7<n 8C ^ rivulei; ^

!I8, 557

Moijango, millet, 17.

Mneassa, straw lintpiOT.

Mm azeiulios, head-men of jKirU rs,
Mo(;aza. royal hnrial-plnce, 127.
Mis’oanhocas tribe, 24.

Jlococoroeas tribe, 247
Moero, Luke, ^ M ^ ^ ^ ^ in,
139 in

Mofue, or Slofu, lakelet, 38 39 n.,

1.39 in

Mojos, or Moxos, Indians, 2, 59.
Mointu, denial of guilt, In'S.

Molemlio, or Malomba, Cay, 21 ii.
Moluanes tribe, 99 in
Jlombas Mission, 31_; map, 1^ n.
Momba.sah, 45 in

Mongazi, or”5Iongayi, hill-trihcB, 67 ».
Munhemhos, land of the, ^
Moiiomolapn, 3, 22 in
Monteiro and (ianillto, expedition of,

7 ^ Hi 10 !*n 17 22 1>., 20 «.,

30, 33 in, ^ in, 38 ii.74 r«.,~i2 ^43 n.,
Tin., 4.5 n., 47'«7^Sli., 49 n., 58' «.,
57 ^-TiS ^59 ^7)0 in, 112 »., 65 «.,
7? n., 75 in, 75^ 77 n., 78 ir., 51 n.,
^^ST^THiin, 85«., 85n., 9T n.,
92 1^ 95 h^ ^in, 9511:77(175 ^ 152
To 3 11.7 109 in, T15n., 112~n^ 119 ^
120 a., T54 in, 12B i^ T5D n., 132 n.,
130 a., 148 a., 152 in, 101 m
— ^^Ees'ume' oniie~Jdurney of, by
Dr. C. T. Beke, 247 et teq.

Moors, presents to, indispensable, ^

Moracs e Almeida, SebastiSo de, ^
Mordaxim, colic, 7.5.

Moreim do BarrosTDr., ^

More, liio, 139.

Mortes, Bio das, M a.

Monimbalu Mountain, 39 a.
Monmgabambai a village, 9^ 1U6 ;
Chief, ^

Mosango, millet, 17.

JIossBinedes, or Little Fish Bav, ^

^ in,

5Ios.senses, slaves or vassals,

Jlossumbu, 2,52.

Jloura 0 Slenezes, Dona Fmiicisca
Josefa de, 57j 0^ 70, 72, 230,
2.39,

, Dona Filippa de Antonia, 59 in,

039.

, Dona Tbomazia Ritta de, 239.

Mouro-Atehiiito, village of, 98.

Mouro, Fiimo, 100.

Mouva River, 187, 188, 189 ; river-plain,
218.

Moxioo, Chief, 199.

Moxos, or Mojos, Indians, ^ province,
59.

Jtozambiqne, 3,

53, 55, 50, ^

2IL

, Captain-General of, 113, 131,

Channel, ^

, variation in value of coin of,

02 in

Mozimos, ancestral Manes, 102.
Mezungos, 2.y.

Mpoani, the Zanzibar coast, ^ ^
Msenc, 92 «.

Mlape, M'uene, ^ m
M’te])o, Nyaiija ya, 39.

Miiagi Polina 231.

Jluaiia Auta Chief, 181, 214.

Miiangi River, 190.

Muaringombe, chief wife of the Muata,

2M,

Muary Agoia, lodging-plaee, 177, 210.
Mimtaynnvo Muncanzu, 231.

, Mufumba of, 221.

Mini VO ordetd, 96 in
Muaxi, farm of, 183, 185, 215.

Sluuxy Majaiio, Chief, 1837
Sluaza 5Iurauga, farm of, 194.
Muazuliaiiba, farm of, 193, 194.
Mucanzo, or Mneonzo, lino cloth, 108.
Mucary, Fair of, 236.

Muchito A gumbo, desert-lodging, 190.
Mucazainboa, or Mocazambos, faithful
men, 66, 79, 228.

MucebaTChief, 193 ; farm of, 194.
Muchaquita, farm of, 217.

Muchinga Mountains, 36 n.

Muchingua, or Muxinga, Berra, 88.

15^ ^ ^ 3L
^62 , Od, To , 96, 98, 235,

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IN’DEX.

267

Muconcotn, Chief, 17-t.

Muconzo, gala dress, ^ 108, 120.

Mucungurc, kinglet, SS7 8'J, loo; village
of, IM,

Muoura, or Mukulu, 39 n.

Miieiiibas, 99 n.

Slue'-nie Kivcr, 170, 201.

Jluenepnnda village, 48 ; Chief, 188,
190, 227, 228.

Miiencbuto, the, 48, IlG, 119, 120, 125,
187.

JIueue Calinenda, farm of, 170. 204,

Mene, farm of, 172, 20G.

Muenempanda, Cnzembo’s Commander-
in-Chief, 110, 120, 149; village of,
14, S.

Muflra River, ^

Mufunibe River, 215.

Mugruve, 48.

Muigni Kidogo, slave, 10.

Muilaehiutu vilhvge, 149.

Muine-Muxamo, mortuarj' guardian
prie.st, 103.

Muire, Chief, 178 ; lord of the copper-
mines, 211.

Muiro Aquito, Chief, 191.

, form of, 1 89.

Muizas, thievish character of the, 33,
3Cj3^ teetli-jagging custom of; 4^
BS; manufacturing capabilities "of,
71 ; courage of, 74 ; cannibals, 75 ;
wood-dust hair-i)Owder of, ^ 87 ;
iron furnaces of, 90 ; liut-dwellings,
of, 92^ contest with. 139 ; drunkennes.s
and insolence of, 150 ; poisoned
arrows of, 153.

Mujao tribe, 35 and ^ 37, 98.

Mujanos, tlieTBl.

Mukulu, or Mucuru, River, 39 w.

Mulatto, 140.

Muleque, or slave boy, GG n., 2^.*.

Mulonga Amciila stream, FfS, 211.

Muncuzu River, 172.

Mungluc', halting-place, 151. 152.

Muiiliaes tribe, 97.

Munhage, giiido 7229.

Munhango River, 25 «.

Munxaqueta, ChieT7 185.

Muruinbalo village, G9.

Slurimbala range, 3917.

Murimos, dead, 127T

Miiromo, royal permission of intercourse,

102 .

Muropiic, Muropde, or Maropde, the,
^ Ml 47 48, 49, 104, 169.

Muropiio,^ana, 38 and 147, 148,

Municuxy River, 181, 214.

Murumbo, farm of, 18 g, 218.

Mnrundas, or Lnndas, tribe, 124, 126,

121 .

Murusura River, 38 and n.

Musneputo, 182.

Musoro Anhata, farm of, 198.

Musula Aponpo, desert-lodging, 177,

210 .

Musumbe River, 18.3.

Mussassa, or kraal, 83 and m, 127.
Mussidansaro, or Mossidansaro, ^ 72,
131. 132.

Mussueuma tribe, 94 and 99,
Mutemba, Quiota, ^5.

Mutuinbuca tribe, 77 and m
Sluxingo, ^

Muzambazc.s, or Moqnmbazcs, trading
slaves, 3^ GG n.

Muzaranba, Em^et, IGO.

Muzcngos, or Muzungos (whites), ^
and lOi Tli’l^ ^ 1^ 140.
Muzimos, Manes of ancestors, 80.

Mwati ya Nvo, King, 36 n., 38 ~ n., 40,
41 ti., 104.

Nagli, East Indian plant, n m
Nanjaeja Matope, 39.

Nano country, 24 and n.

Napier, Sir Cljarlcs, his “bit of soap”
equipment, n.

Napoleon Buonaparte, H h.

Negro, Cabo, 16, ^

, Rio, po^liar salt made at, 76.

Negroes of Bengucla, character of,~m.
Neves, Das, J. A., ^ ^ n.

Ngami Lake, 22 it.

Nhamudoro bean, 7L
Nbaufa Fatiola, ^ 105.

Nhanja Grand River, ^ «., 81 m

Mocuro, or Mneuro, Lake, ^ ^

iU. n.

Pangono, ^ n.

Nhanza-Mpotc, or Nyanza Mputo,
River, 119.

Nharugue, 188.

Nlinssnngeini, or Inhacengeira, CL
105.

Nliumbo, or gnu, ^ «.

Nhunque, 193.

Nile, mission stations of the, 3 n.
Nolasco d'Araujo, Pedro, 7, 61, "68, 69,
73, 77, 103, 107, 11.5, 124,13.5^136;
112, H4,~TO,Ti9,H)r,~I55.TliT, 137;
155; 159; TgO, TUT, ITS.

Noronba, Antonin de, 234.

, Don F. A. S. do. Governor of

Angola, ^ 167.

Nourse River, misnomer of, 22 W n.
Novaea, Paulo Dins de. Governor of
Angola, 25 n.

Nunes, Lutz, 239.

Nyanja ya M’topc, .39.

Nyanja Mucuro Lake, 30.

Nyanza, 39. 119.

Nyare, wild cattle, W m

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268

INDEX.

Nyasaa Lake, 30 a., ^ 3^ ^ M n.,
75 n., 3Tn.

Oeiras, ironworks of, ^ n.

Oias, Jose, 239.

OJimb&i, or Zambesi, 23 ^

‘ O Muata Cazerabo,’ luitorj of tho Cn-
zcmbc, 11^ n.

Onze Ilivcr, 2^

Ophir, 55 ^

Omn^eTIivcr. 31.

Ovampos, counTiy of, ^

Owen, Cupi., R.N.. 29 31, 32.

, Professor, 252i

Padrilo, memorial pillar, ^ ^

PadroD, Capo, ^ n.

Pagne, or pauno, 136.

Palma Christi, or castor-oil tree, 42 ^
Palinoira mnnsa, cocoa-nut tree, 911.
Paiide, Chief, 181, 182, 214.

Panel dodge. 111 n.

Panicum $picalum, 17 n.

Panno, or pano, unitof value, ^ 79 n.,
136. 141 n.

Pannos de velorio, UO and lu
Panpaje River, 190. ^

Par4, supposed birthplace of Do La-
cerda, L
Parusoca, 48,

Pasnicheiro, 49.

Patamaros, messengers, 79.

Paulistas, ^ ^

Paulo, S&o, province of, X
Pnyagui tiioo, ^ 89.

Pea-nuts, 42 n.

Pedras de wres, stoneware beads, 127,
135.

de Ponguandongo, fortified fort,

15 and n.

Pedro, Don, 3 ii.

, Krei, tlio Pombeiro, ^ his his-
tory of the Cazembe, 103 n.

, tho Pombeiro, 49 n., 104, 167.

Pemiai, sister of the Cazembe, 185, 217.
223.

Pembera^, 125.

Pemberar, to danco for joy, 112.

Pendes, fish, 85 ; ingots, 110.
Pennisetum, 17 n.

Pcquizo, 59.

Pereira, Alexandre de Araujo Laccria
Coutinho, 239.

of Dr. Livingstone, 33 «.

, Joao da Cunha, Captain, 8j ^

69,107,111,0^11^ 131, 133, 138,
142, 143.

Pereira, Manoel Caetano, guide, 8, 34,
35, 36, 40, 57, 76, 88, 89, 91, 92; W,
100710271 37TI3g, ~230.

Pereira, Gon«;alo Caetano, “ tho Terror,”
guide, 7, 33 and n„ 34 and 35, 46,
64, 65, 70, 73, 85, 107, 111, 113, 114,
115, 120, 122, 131, 133, 134, 140,
147, 148, im 151, 1^ 153, 154,

ns; isb; ^ ^ iso; IB07 102;
TB3 ; ibt; 22s, 230, 233; 23s; 236;
m

, Jeronymo, Col., Governor of

Mozambique, ^ ^

Perez, Pero, 93.

Peruvians, cl^ization of, 3^

Philip of Slacedon. ^

Pindwe, pea-nut, 42 n.

Pinto, Francisco JoSo, chaplain, 5, 7,
60 ; diary of, 107-164, 248.

Pires, or Peres, Vasco Joaquim, Ensign,
9, 74, 119, ^ ^ 1^ 139,

T48, 152T '^

Pistache nut, 42 it.

Playfair, Capt., ^

Pliny, 59.

Pocue, knives, 43.

Polygamy, 19 n7~

Pombo, or Tbnlje, 43 and n., 59, 87,
100, ^ 126, 128; 129,~T47riSS;
176, 181, 186, 187;

Pombeiros, native travelling traders,
IL ^ 35 n., 47^ 7t^

164 n., no n., T35w.

, journey "of tho, IW et teq,

Pondu, farm of, 190.

Porcchinas, 110.

Porto Feliz, 2.

, A. F."F. da Silva, trans-African

journey of servants of, ^

Portuguese paupers, 72.

Prazos da CorOa, estafei held chiefly by
women, 58 n., 00 n.

Presidios, or fortified posts, ^ 31.
Principe Island, 21 m
Pungo-Andongo.TO n.

Puto, meaning ofTTT^

Quadros, Vincente Antonio de, 239.
Qnanza, or Coanza, River, 25 n.
Quebonda, river-plain, 177, ~ 210;
Querimba River, 37 n.

Quiabela MucandS; town, 175.

Quiaca, Sova, 26.

Quiamaungo, Quitamba, 225.
Quiamuoraba, Quitanga, Chief, 195 ;
River, 197.

Quiana Acananga, lodging, 211.

Catanba, Chief, 227.

Quibanga River, 194.

Quibenla River, 208.

Quibiry Quitambo Quiamacungo, gate-
keeper of the Cazembe, 219,
Quibc^ue, Sova, W n.

Digitized by Google

INDEX.

269

Quibulia, M it.

Quiburi, or JJueburi, Governor of the
Salinm m 118, 179j 1S8, 212, 222,
Quieeres Ouiamonlo, farm of. 185.
Quidano, or Quidaxi, bnlting-plnce,
182 214, 215.

Quigiia Sulina, 231.

Quihonn, farm of, 189.

Quilcngucs, the, 24.

Quilimano Fort, 227 39, 40, 42 n., 46, 51 ,

Quilolo, or captain, 104.

Quilomata, 24.

Quintana Eivcr, 214.

Quinboma, Sova, 25 «.

Quinhata, the slave, 232.

Quiocola, Chief, 185.

Quiota, farm of, 102.

Quipaca Anguenga Biver, 175, 20.8.
Quipire, desert-lwlging, 18iT
Quipungo stream, 170, 204.

Quipungos, the, 24"

Qnirando, Chief, ^8.

Quiriatja, mess of meat, &o., 128.
Quissacanhi, farm of, 218.

Qusbela, or Quibenla, River, 174.
Quitata, Sova. ^

Quitiindos, tree-bark boxes, 1.50,

Raphia rini/era, or Devil's Palm, ^ m
Ravenstcin, Mr., 38 ti., 39 n., 48 n.
Eebello, Mathias Jose, 239,

Re^lo, kinglet, 47, 66.

Reis Moreira, DonaT7eonarda Oitavi-
anna dos, 239.

Reraimba River, ^ 105.

Reu River, 174, 208.

Revugo, or Levugu, River, 97 m
Reza, divinity, 127.

Ricena rivulet, 97, 106.

Rilomba River, 181.

Rio Grande, 59 n.

Rio de Janeiro, ^

Rios de Sena, Governor of, ^ 167.
Roando River, 171, 205.

Roanga the Little, River, 194.

Roapura River, 47 and «.

Roarro Grande, 48 and «.

Roborac^an, betrotlial, f28.

Rock fish, 118.

salt, 188.

Rodrigo, Serra, 90, 106.

Rofoi, River, 47 and n.

Ronc^ha AztiI726 «.

Ropelo River, 209,

Ropocja River, T75, 208.

Roschcr, Dr., 37 n.

Rova River, ITT ,”205.

Roveu River. 49.

Ruanceze River, 48 ti.

Euanga River, 48, 49.
Ruanzeze Rivef7 987I06.
Rtiarezo River, 76 n,
Rubinba River, 194.
Rucure River, 98, 106.
Ru9urue RiverTSl.

Ruena River, 48.

Ruia River, 49Ti.

Russell, Dr. 'W. ^ 97,
Euminda, ^

Rungo River, 191.

Rupele River, 175.

Ruy Perez, Cape,

Ruy, or Euni, streams, 7^

S'a Leone, 95 n.

Sabarreiroa77Tooquim Correa Craveiro,
236. 239.

Salema, Jose Vicente Pereira, 7, 74 and
n., ^ 121, 133,^ 1407142.

Salt^ scarcity of, 76 ; mode of obtain-
ing, 178. 223.

Salvador, SSo, colony, 1.

Samba, Muene, Chief, 232.

Sambos, 24,

Sana Muropiic, 111, 116, 118, 120, 122,

123, 124, 130. —

Sansa River. 49.

Santos e Silva, Manoel dos, Lieut., the
Receiver, 9, 74, 107, 108, 109, 111,
113, 115, TI87T3iri55ri437 145,
l4t>.

Santos, Ignacio Gomes dos, 239.

San Pedro River, or Rio Grande do
Sul, 27,

Sao Paulo, city, L
Sah Salvador, L
Sapa-janiala road, 24.

Santas, msease, %

Satbanas, thraldom of, 6.

Sawdhil country, 122 m
Sechwana language, ^

Sego Factory, ^ «.

Seguati, or saguaie, gifts, 38.

Sena Caflres, M.

Sena, Rios da, 22, 23, 25 »., 26, 39, 44.
^ ^ 61, 707717807 8172417

, goia minmg operations on the

Sengas, country of the, 161.

“ Sertaneios,” meaning of, 4 «., 17 ti.,

“Sertanista,” 17 n.

Sezso, or seasoning fever, 73.

Shevas tribe, 49 n.

Shire River, SlTtt., 37 »., 39, 75, 81, 88,
99 n.

Shirts a Lake, 30 ii.

SUva, Paulo da, 9, 138, 143, 225.

Teixeira, Alexandre da, ^ n.

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270

INDEX.

Silveira e Silva, Jose Tliomaz Gomes
da. Fort-adjutant, 9j 133, 136, 139,
HI, 146.

“ Sitting on Pombe,” 120 »., 158.
Smith, Wayland, H ^

Snake, huge, 2.

Soana Ganga,Tann of, 173, 206.

Mulopo, 171, 227.

Sofala, possibly “ Uptiir,” M ».

Sofalla territory, 238.

Solons, savage, 118.

Somalis, eountiy of, ^ n.

Somerville, Dutch Commissioner, 31.

, Mrs., IJJ

Sota, Chief, 184.

Sousa Bragauga, Dona Paulina Anna
de, ^ 61.

, Doua Anna Sebastiilo de, 239.

, Dona Izabel Anna de, 239.

, Jos^ Dias de, 239.

o Vasconcellos, Jose Victor de,

16 . 3 .

Sorcerers, burning of, 96 and «.

“ Sovas,” or chiefs, 16 and u.,T9.

“ Sovctas,” vassals, T6.

Speke, Capt., ^ n.

and Grant, ITS «,

Spies, employment of, 7 and ^ H
and a,

Sura wine, ^ and ji^ M and «.

Table Bay, 20.

Tanganyika'Xakc, 18 ^ 33 *i, ^ ^
1 ? ?hi iZ ’*•' Z5 «.rSl n.,”U8 n.
Tanjina, Madagascar ordialTHO.
Taubat4, %

Tchad, Lake, ^ n.

Teeth-jagging, custom of, ^

Tembe, house, 114.

Tete, 5, 30, 39 «., 42 49, 51, 55, 56,

59, 63,~54, 65, 85, 87, 89, l03j lUi> n.,

Tette, meaning of, 56 ji.

Thome, S., island olT'21.

Thiir plant of Hindosliih, 71 ■«.

Ti^W Eiver, 2.

Tombocacao, T25.

Trastes, trade “ notions,” 41.

Trombas, Rio, ^ n. ; femes of, ^ n.
Tsenga, or Ze'nga, ~l6l n.

Tucorim, cloth, 112 n.

Tungaliigaza tribe, 188.

Uchinda, wild palm, 99.
tJemba tribe, 99.

XJgali, porridge, 59 «.

, Ugogo country, "TC n., 84 n. ; people,
h2 n. ~

Uhyao, land of the Waliido, 39 «.

Ujiji, SL

Ulenge, Lake, 36 m
Undi, Chief, 67^

University Missionaries, 37 n.
Unyamwezi, 22 «., 81 «!78Z~«., 92 n.,
94 100 «., ITI ^

Usagara Slountains, 6^ 76.

Usenda, supposed name of Cazembe’s
city, jot.

Usukuma, 94.

Uzoreze, orlTuareze, River, 7^ 105.

Vacira tribe, 104 126.

Valdez, M., 11, 22 it., 24 «.

Varoondns people, 47 n.

Vasconcellos, Alexandre J. B. de, ^ n.,

29 ».

e Sousa, Jose Victor de, 163.

Vaviza, or Vavua, people, 33 «., 49.
Velasco, Pedro Xavier, ChlcT Sergeant,

8, 5^ 61, ^ 76, 77, 99, 101, 114,
1157121712271257 124, 125,I5ir, 155;
134, 135, m

, Letter of, to the Horae Govern-
ment, 164.

Velorio, beads, 26 n., 67, 78, 85,98, 112,
l^l^HE "

Vergas, copper anklets, 18.

Vermelhao, wood powder7 127.

Viagem h contracosta, ^ 127

Viajantes Arundas, 47 11 .

“ Victor of Asia,” 1I7~

Victoria Nyanza Region, ^ n.

Vieyra, 26 «.

Villas Boas, Antonio Norberto Barbo.sa
de, 234, 237.

Vinde, kinglet, ^

Vila, rain or river, 75 h.

Wabisa, or Wabisha, 33 45 ti.

Waghorn, Lieut., 3.

AVagogo tribe, 78.

AVahiao tribe, 5^ M ^ ^ 98 »i.
AA^akliutu, % ra
AVales, Prince of, 251.

AA'allcr, Rev. Horace, ^ 11 .
AVamanga Aralis, 109 n.
AVanyamwezi tribe, 33 «.
AVanyika tribe, M
AVar camp, Cazembe's 7226.
AVasira tribe, 104.

AVatuta tribe, 43 n.

AVazaramo tribe, 6L j
AVebbi Gamana, 32.

AVhito River, 209.

AVitchcraft, ordeal for, M and ^
AVizards, supposed, 117.

Xaraos, Lake, 2j 89.
Xaile, red cloth, 7^

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INDEX.

271

Xiani, 48.

XibuiriT^hibuiri, or Quiburi, River,
11 !).

Xiraro, or Shiraro, Caffre officer, 114.
Xire River, see Shire.

Xiriro*, or ShinJ men, 142,

Yabeuzi River, ^ ii.

Zabumbag, tomtoms, 44.

Zachaf Lake, tho Nyassa, 30, 3^ ^ m
Zaflan, or Nyassa, Lake, 30T
Zaire River, ^ m, 22.

Zambeze River, Upper, 30.

Zambezo River, 1, 22, 23 «., 20 o., ^
^ 30 >1., 3m 30, 47, 48,

5l, CD, 70, “70751 n.,liri,“S4, 101, 108 ,
23Dr247r “

Zamzimbar, Zanzibar Island and cua.st,
5L

Zanzibar, ^ 34 «., 37, ^ »., ^

63 n., 73 » , 83,155, ^TTl ii.

“ Zea maize,” 17~nJ^87^

Zebra, the, ^

Zimbabye ruins, 8 w.

Zimbiiwe, or Zimlioe, 91 and 101.
Zunrto, cotton cloth, ^ 50 79.

Zulus, ^ n.

Zumbo, colony, 1,7^ 30 «, ^ 238.
Zuiza, or Luiza,~Hrver, Ti(l.

THE END.

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rulNTED BY WILUAM CIX)WE3 AVP JS0.Y3,
8TAUF0»i> 8TREKT AND CHABIN'R CKOSM.

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Full text of "Lacerda's Journey to Cazembe in 1798 Translated and Annotated by R. F. Burton"

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